Fall of KHARTOUM AND THE RISE OF MAHADI
DERWISH GAVE INDEPENDANT TO SUDAN ON 26 JAN. 1885
History of Sudan
Battle of Khartoum
Madhists defeat Egyptians This city, defended by an Egyptian garrison under General Gordon, was invested by the Mahdi in the early part of 1884, and, after a gallant defense, was stormed January 26, 1885. The forerunners of the relieving force, consisting of the river gunboats under Lord Charles Beresford, arrived off the city on the 28th, two days too late, and after a brief engagement with the Mahdist batteries, returned down the river.
FORDHAM UNIVERSITY
Islamic History Sourcebook:
Alfred Egmont Hake:
The Death of General Gordon at Khartoum, 1885
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[Tappan Introduction] In I882 there arose in the Soudan, a province of Upper Egypt, one Mohammed Ahmed, who called himself the Mahdi or Messiah, and invited all true believers to join in a holy war against the Christians. Thousands of wild tribesmen flocked to his banner, and in the following year he annihilated an army of eleven thousand English and Egyptians that had attempted to subdue the revolt. Rather than send more soldiers to die in the deserts of the Upper Nile, England decided to abandon the province. But first the thousands of Europeans who had taken refuge in Khartoum and other towns of the Soudan must be rescued from their perilous position. In this crisis the Government turned to the one man who could effect the withdrawal if it was still possible, and in January, 1884, appointed General Gordon to superintend the evacuation of the Soudan.
GENERAL GORDON arrived at Khartoum on February 18th, and spent his time between that date and the investment on March 12, in sending down women and children, two thousand of whom were sent safely through to Egypt, in addition to six hundred soldiers. It was stated by Sir Evelyn Baring (English consul-general to Egypt) that there were fifteen thousand persons in Khartoum who ought to be brought back to Egypt---Europeans, civil servants, widows and orphans, and a garrison of one thousand men, one third of whom were disaffected. To get these people out of Khartoum was General Gordon's first duty, and the first condition of evacuation was the establishment of a stable government in the Soudan. The only man who could establish that government was Zebehr. Gordon demanded Zebehr with ever-increasing emphasis, and his request was decisively refused. He had then two alternatives---either to surrender absolutely to the Mahdi, or to hold on to Khartoum at all hazards. While Gordon was strengthening his position the Mahdi settled the question by suddenly assuming the offensive. The first step in this memorable siege was the daring march of four thousand Arabs to the Nile, by which, on March 12, they cut off the eight hundred men at Halfaya, a village
to the north of Khartoum, from the city. A steamer was sent down to reconnoiter, and the moment she reached the front of the Arab position a volley was fired into her, wounding an officer and a soldier. The steamer returned the fire, killing five.
Thus hostilities began. "Our only justification for assuming the offensive," wrote General Gordon on March 13, "is the extrication of the Halfaya garrison." The Arabs, however, did not give him the chance. They cut off three companies of his troops who had gone out to cut wood, capturing eight of their boats, and killing or dispersing one hundred to one hundred and fifty men. They intrenched themselves along the Nile, and kept up a heavy rifle-fire. Retreat for the garrison was obviously impossible when the Arab force covered the river, the only line of retreat, with their fire. Twelve hundred men rere put on board two grain-barges, towed by three steamers defended with boiler plates, and carrying mountain-guns protected by wooden mantlets; and, with the loss of only two killed, they succeeded in extricating the five hundred men left of the garrison of Halfaya, and capturing seventy camels and eighteen horses, with which they returned to Khartoum.
The Arabs, however, held Halfaya, and on March 16 Gordon tried to drive them away. Advancing from a stockaded position covering the north front of the town, two thousand troops advanced across the open in square, supported by the fire of the guns of two steamers. The Arabs were retreating, when Hassan and Seid Pashas, Gordon's black generals, rode into the wood and called back the enemy. The Egyptians, betrayed by their officers, broke and fled after firing a single volley, and were pursued to within a mile of the stockade, abandoning two mountain guns with their ammunition---"sixty horsemen defeated two thousand men"---and leaving two hundred of their number on the field. After this affair he was convinced that he could not take the offensive, but must remain quiet at Khartoum, and wait till the Nile rose. Six days later, the black pashas were tried by court-martial, found guilty, and shot.
A very determined attack upon one of the steamers coming up from Berber, at the Salboka Pass, was beaten off with great slaughter, Gordon's men firing no fewer than fifteen thousand rounds of Remington ammunition. Meanwhile, his efforts to negotiate with the Mahdi failed. "I will make you Sultan of Kordofan," he had said on arrival to the Mahdi. "I am the Mahdi," replied Mahomet Ahmet, by emissaries who were "exceedingly cheeky," keeping their hands upon their swords, and laying a filthy, patched dervish's coat before him. "Will you become a Mussulman?" Gordon flung the bundle across the room, canceled the Mahdi's sultanship, and the war was renewed. From that day to the day of the betrayal no day passed without bullets dropping into Khartoum.
Gordon now set to work in earnest to place Khartoum in a defensible position. Ten thousand of the Madhi's sympathizers left Khartoum and joined the enemy. The steamers kept up a skirmishing fight on both Niles. All the houses on the north side of Khartoum were loopholed. A sixteen-pounder Krupp was mounted on a barge, and wire was stretched across the front of the stockade. The houses on the northern bank of the Blue Nile were fortified and garrisoned by Bashi-Bazouks. Omdurman was held and fortified on the west and Buri on the east. On March 25, Gordon had to disarm and disband two hundred and fifty Bashi-Bazouks who refused to occupy stockaded houses in a village on the south bank of the Blue Nile. The rebels advanced on Hadji Ali, a village to the north of the Nile, and fired into the palace. They were shelled out of their position, but constantly returned to harass the garrison. They seemed to Gordon mere rag-tag and bob-tail, but he dared not go out to meet them, for fear of the town. Five hundred brave men could have cleared out the lot, but he had not a hundred. The fighting was confined to artillery fire on one side, and desultory rifle-shooting on the other. This went on till the end of March. The Arabs clustered more closely round the town.
On April 19, Gordon telegraphed that he had provisions for five months, and if he only had two thousand to three thousand Turkish troops he could soon settle the rebels. Unfortunately, he received not one fighting man. Shendy fell into the hands of the Mahdi. Berber followed, and then for months no word whatever reached this country from Khartoum.
On September 29, Mr. Power's telegram, dated July 31, was received by the "Times." From that we gathered a tolerably clear notion of the way in which the war went on. Anything more utterly absurd than the accusation that Gordon forced fighting on the Mahdi cannot be conceived. He acted uniformly on the defensive, merely trying to clear his road of an attacking force, and failing because he had no fighting men to take the offensive. He found himself in a trap, out of which he could not cut his way. If he had possessed a single regiment, the front of Khartoum might have been cleared with ease; but his impotence encouraged the Arabs, and they clustered round in ever-increasing numbers, until at last they crushed his resistance. After the middle of April the rebels began to attack the palace in force, having apparently established themselves on the north bank.
The loss of life was chiefly occasioned by the explosion of mines devised by General Gordon, and so placed as to explode when trodden on by the enemy. Of all his expedients these mines were the most successful and the least open to any accusation of offensive operations. The Arabs closed in all round towards the end of April, and General Gordon surrounded himself with a formidable triple barrier of land torpedoes, over which wire entanglement and a formidable chevaux-de-frise enabled the garrison to feel somewhat secure. On April 27, Valeh Bey surrendered at Mesalimeh, a disaster by which General Gordon lost one steamer, seventy shiploads of provisions, and two thousand rifles.
General Gordon was now entirely cut off from the outside world, and compelled to rely entirely upon his his own resources. He sent out Negroes to entice the slaves of the Arabs to come over, promising them freedom and rations. This he thought would frighten the Arabs more than bullets. On April 26, he made his first issue of paper-money to the extent of ,2500 redeemable in six months. By July 30, it had risen to ,26,000 besides the ,50,000 borrowed from merchants. On the same day he struck decorations for the defense of Khartoum---for officers in silver, silver-gilt and pewter for the private soldiers. These medals bear a crescent and a star, with words from the Koran, and the date, with an inscription,---"Siege of Khartoum,"---and a hand-grenade in the center. "School-children and women," he wrote, "also received medals; consequently, I am very popular with the black ladies of Khartoum."
The repeated attacks of the Mahdi's forces on Khartoum cost the Arabs many lives. On May 25, Colonel Stewart was slightly wounded in the arm, when working a mitrailleuse near the palace. All through May and June his steamers made foraging expeditions up and down the Nile, shelling the rebels when they showed in force, and bringing back much cattle to the city. On Midsummer Day, Mr. Cuzzi, formerly Gordon's agent at Berber, but now a prisoner of the Mahdi's, was sent to the wells to announce the capture of Berber. It was sad news for the three Englishmen alone in the midst of a hostile Soudan. Undaunted, they continued to stand at bay, rejoicing greatly that in one, Saati Bey, they had, at least, a brave and capable officer.
Saati had charge of the steamers, and for two months he had uninterrupted success, in spite of the twisted telegraph wires which the rebels stretched across the river. Unfortunately, on July 10, Saati, with Colonel Stewart and two hundred men, after burning Kalaka and three villages, attacked Gatarnulb. Eight Arab horsemen rode at the two hundred Egyptians. The two hundred fled at once, not caring to fire their Remingtons, and poor Saati was killed. Colonel Stewart narrowly escaped a similar fate.
After July 31, there is a sudden cessation of regular communications. Power's journal breaks off then, and we are left to more or less meager references in Gordon's dispatches. On August 23, he sent a characteristic message, in which he announces that, the Nile having risen, he has sent Colonel Stewart, Mr. Power, and the French consul to take Berber, occupy it for fifteen days, burn it, and then return to Khartoum. All the late messages from Gordon, except a long dispatch of November 4, which has never been published, were written on tissue paper no bigger than a postage-stamp, and either concealed in a quill thrust into the hair, or sewn in the waistband of the natives employed. Gordon seems to have been the most active in August and September, when the Nile was high. He had eight thousand men at Khartoum and Senaar. He sent Colonel Stewart and the troops with the steamers to recapture Berber. A steamer which bore a rough effigy of Gordon at the prow was said to be particularly dreaded by the rebels. OnAugust 26, he reported that he had provisions for five months, but in the forays made by his steamer on the Southern Niles he enormously replenished his
stores. On one of these raids he took with him six thousand men in thirty-four boats towed by nine steamers.
After his defeat before Omdurman, the Mahdi is said to have made a very remarkable prophecy. He retired into a cave for three days, and on his return he told his followers that Allah had revealed that for sixty days there would be a rest, and after that blood would flow like water. The Mahdi was right. Almost exactly sixty days after that prophecy there was fought the battle of Abu Klea.
Stewart had by this time been treacherously killed on his way down from Berber to Dongola. Gordon was all alone. The old men and women who had friends in the neighboring villages left the town. The uninhabited part was destroyed, the remainder was inclosed by a wall. In the center of Khartoum he had built himself a tower, from the roof of which he kept a sharp lookout with his field-glass in the daytime. At night he went the rounds of the fortifications, cheering his men and keeping them on the alert against attacks. Treachery was always his greatest dread. Many of the townsfolk sympathized with the Mahdi; he could not depend on all his troops, and he could only rely on one of his pashas, Mehmet Ali. He rejoiced exceedingly in the news of the approach of the British relieving force. He illuminated Khartoum and fired salutes in honor of the news, and he doubled his exertions to fill his granaries with grain.
On December 14, a letter was received by one of his friends in Cairo from General Gordon, saying, "Farewell. You will never hear from me again. I fear that there will be treachery in the garrison, and all will be over by Christmas." It was this melancholy warning that led Lord Wolseley to order the dash across the Desert. On December 16 came news that the Mahdi had again failed in his attack on Omdurman. Gordon had blown up the fort which he had built over against the town, and inflicted great loss on his assailants, who, however, invested the city closely on all sides. The Mahdi had returned to Omdurman, where he had concentrated his troops. Thence he sent fourteen thousand men to Berber to recruit the forces of Osman Digma, and it was these men, probably, that fought the English relief army at Abu Klea.
After this nothing was heard beyond the rumor that Omdurman was captured and two brief messages from Gordon, sent probably to hoodwink the enemy, by whom most of his letters were captured. The first, which arrived January 1, was as follows: "Khartoum all right.---C. G. Gordon. December 14, I884." The second was brought by the steamers which met General Stewart at Mentemneh on January 21st: "Khartoum all right; could hold out for years.---C. G. Gordon. December 29." On January 26, Faraz Pasha opened the gates of the city to the enemy, and one of the most famous sieges
in the world's history came to a close. It had lasted from March 12 to January 26---exactly three hundred and twenty days.
When Gordon awoke to find that, through the treachery of his Egyptian lieutenant, Khartoum was in the hands of the Mahdi, he set out with a few followers for the Austrian consulate. Recognized by a party of rebels, he was shot dead on the street and his head carried through the town at the end of a pike, amid the wild rejoicings of the Mahdi's followers. Two days later the English army of relief reached Khartoum.
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Source
From: Eva March Tappan, ed., The World's Story: A History of the World in Story, Song and Art, (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1914), Vol. III: Egypt, Africa, and Arabia, pp. 240-249.
Scanned by Jerome S. Arkenberg, Cal. State Fullerton. The text has been modernized by Prof. Arkenberg
Note: Many Western sources about Islamic countries exhibit what has come to be known as orientalism. The terms used ("Mohammedan" for instance rather than "Muslim"), and the attitudes exhibited by the writers need to be questioned by modern readers.
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This text is part of the Internet Islamic History Sourcebook. The Sourcebook is a collection of public domain and copy-permitted texts for introductory level classes in modern European and World history.
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© Paul Halsall, November1998
halsall@fordham.edu
Sudan and conflicts zones.
Saturday, 25 January 2014
Thursday, 7 November 2013
News about the ZAGAWA STATE !!???
اذا قاتلنا جيش ديبي فلن نقاتله ،، سنستدرجه تجاه الخرطوم.. دارفور ليست حديقة خلفية لإدريس ديبي
11-07-2013 05:23 AM
ابوبكر القاضى
شهد النصف الثانى من شهر اكتوبر المنصرم الإعداد المرتب لما سمى ( الموتمر الجامع لأبناء قبيلة الزغاوة) ،، والذى انعقد بمدينة ام جرس الحدودية داخل الاراضى التشادية ،يوم ٢٥ اكتوبر ٢٠١٣ ،، وحضره من الجانب السودانى اللواء تجانى ادم الطاهر عضو مجلس قيادة الثورة ،، بصفته رييس هيئة شورى قبيلة الزغاوة فى السودان ،، وحضره وزير العدل محمد بشارة دوسة ،، وفى الجانب التشادي حضر اللقاء الرئيس ادريس ديبى شخصيا ،، وأعيان القبيلة ،، عسكريين ومديين . اللقاء فى حقيقته لم يكن موضوعه معالجة شؤون القبيلة ،، وانما كان يتعلق بالشأن السودانى كله ،، وملف دارفور ،، والحركات الدارفورية المنضوية تحت الجبهة الثورية .
اللقاء ،، كما سيتضح من سردنا ادناه لما دار فيه من وقائع ،، الغرض منه خدمة اجندة الموتمر الوطنى ،، وقد انعقد هذا الموتمر اساسا بطلب من حكومة الخرطوم ،، واهم انجاز حققه هذا الموتمر الجامع للزغاوة هو سقوط ( اسطورة دولة الزغاوة الكبرى ) ،، فقد كانت حكومة الخرطوم تردد هذه الاسطوانة المشروخة عندما كانت ترى ان ( وحدة قبيلة الزغاوة تهدد حكومة الخرطوم ) ،، اما الان ،، وحين ضمنت حكومة الخرطوم جانب ادريس ديبي ،، قررت عقد هذا الموتمر الجامع لقبيلة الزغاوة لتحصل منه على شرعية ( قبيلة الزغاوة) لاستخدام الجيش التشادى لقتل وابادة ابناء القبيلة من قادة الحركات الدارفورية ،، ولانهاء كافة اشكال التمرد فى دارفور نيابة عن حكومة الخرطوم !!! الهدف من لقاء ام جرس إذن ،، هو طعن الجبهة الثورية من الخلف ،، بعد ان ثبت من انتفاضة سبتمبر المجيدة انها هى الأمل الوحيد لخلاص الشعب السودانى كله ،، فى المركز والهامش من نظام الانقاذ من خلال الانتفاضة المحمية من الجبهة الثورية،، وسوف نقدم هنا الدليل على ما نقول من واقع أقوال السيد ادريس ديبي :
أقوال ادريس ديبي الدالة على استهداف الجبهة الثورية وتصفيتها فى دارفور :
١ – وصف ادريس ديبى أزمة دارفور بانها ( نتاج المفاصلة بين قيادات الانقاذ ) حيث ذهب شق من القيادات مع البشير وآخر مع الترابي ،، وقال انه بعد المفاصلة استدعى ابناء الزغاوة الذين لهم صلة بالحركة الإسلامية :( د خليل ابراهيم ،، والطاهر حمدون ،، حسن برقو،، و جبريل ابراهيم ) ،، وطلب منهم ان ينضموا للبشير ،، وقال انهم لم ينصاعوا لنصائحه ،، باستثناء حسن برقو ،، وقال انه طرد الرافضين .
لقد حاول ادريس ديبى فى كلامه أعلاه ان يزور تاريخ السودان من اجل إرضاء نظام البشير ،، لان ازمة دارفور ليست نتاج المفاصلة بين الاسلاميين ،، وذلك حسب التوضيح التالى :-
أ – لقد تمرد الشهيد داوود يحي بولاد على الحركة الإسلامية الموحدة منذ بداية التسعينات ،، وتحالف مع الجيش الشعبى والحركة الشعبية ،، لان القضية هى ( التهميش ،، وفشل حكومات المركز بما فيها الانقاذ فى تحقيق التنمية المستدامة ،، والخدمات التعليمية والصحية والبيطرية .. الخ ) .
ب – العنصر الأساسي فى الثورة المسلحة منذ عام ٢٠٠٣ وحتى نهاية ٢٠٠٦ كان حركة التحرير الموحدة بقيادة عبدالواحد محمد نور ومنى اركو ،، وهؤلاء ،، ليست لهم اى علاقة بالحركة الإسلامية ،، وانشقاقها . فالثورة فى دارفور كانت ستقوم حتى ولو لم تنقسم الحركة الإسلامية .
وشاهدنا من هذا كله ،، ان ادريس ديبى كان معنيا بمخاطبة البشير بما يريد ان يسمعه البشير ،، وليس بالحقائق .
٢ – ونعود الى متابعة تلخيص حديث ديبى ،، قال : عندما قامت الثورة المسلحة فى دارفور ،، انه قام باستدعاء قيادات الثورة من ابناء الزغاوة ،، وطلب منهم إيقاف الثورة على نظام البشير ،، قال : حضر منى اركو ،، و عبدالله أبكر ،، ورفض د خليل ابراهيم الحضور ،، الا ان الذين حضروا ركبوا راسهم ،، وقالوا بما معناه : ان لديهم أجندة والتزامات قومية تتعلق بإزالة التهميش فى كل السودان ،، وقال انه طردهم لرفضهم لكلامه .
انظروا كيف يتدخل ادريس ديبى فى الشأن السودانى من منظور ضيق ( القبيلة) ،، فى محاولة منه لتقزيم دور ابناء القبيلة ( الزغاوة) ،، فى ( السودان) ،، الوطن المستقل تماماً عن تشاد ،، ليكون همهم فى إطار سقوف القبيلة ،، من اجل ان يبقى ادريس ديبى فى كرسي الحكم فى تشاد لان لديه قناعة بانه مادام الزغاوة يحكمون تشاد ،، فلا يجوز لاى زغاوي آخر ان يتطلع لحكم السودان او دارفور .
٣ – أدلى ادريس ديبي باعترافات خطيرا عن تدخلاته السافرة ،، الماضية والقادمة ،، فى الشأن السودانى ،، ألخصها فى الفقرات التالية ثم أعلق عليها سويا للارتباط الغير قابل للانفصام :
أ – قال فى حوالى عام ٢٠٠٤ حاول القضاء على حركة التحرير ،، لكن الجيش التشادى رفض تنفيذ الأوامر ،، كما ان ( والدته رحمها الله) ،، قد رفضت هذه الفكرة تماما ،، وعلى حد قوله ،، وقفت والدته كالخنجر المسموم على ظهره .
ب – و أخطر ما ورد فى كلام ديبى هو الاتى : قال بالحرف :( فانا لا اسمح لاى شرذمة تسمى نفسها بمعارضة ضد الحكومة السودانية ،، وتتخذ من مناطق دارفور نقطة انطلاق ،، لتحقيق أجندتها الذاتية ،،على حساب أهلي ،، فى بلدى الثانى دارفور،، بعد هذا الموتمر إطلاقا) .
ج – قال انه سينمى مناطق دار زغاوة .
فى تحليل اعترافات ديبى الدالة على استهدافه للجبهة الثورية،، نيابة عن الخرطوم :-
اولا : يعترف ادريس ديبي بانه حاول عام ٢٠٠٤ القضاء على حركة التحرير ،، ولم التحرير فقط ؟ الإجابة لان حركة العدل والمساواة فى ذلك الوقت لم تكن الشغل الشاغل للمؤتمر الوطنى ،، ولم يدر فى خلد البشير ان حركة العدل والمساواة سيكون لها شان أصلا فى المستقبل ،، وهذا ما يؤكد ما ذهبنا اليه من ان الثورة المسلحة فى دارفور لا علاقة لها بانقسام الاسلاميين ،، كما سبق البيان .
يقر ادريس ديبى بان جيشه رفض تنفيذ أوامره ،، وانا بهنيء جيشه لانه محترف ،، ويعرف حدود القانون ،، وحدود اختصاصه كجيش وطنى مطالب بتأمين حدود الوطن التشادي ،، والقانون الدولى لا يسمح له بالتدخل فى شان دولة اخرى ،، او الدخول فى أراضيها الا فى حدود الدفاع عن النفس ،، و بالقدر اللازم للدفاع عن النفس . يضاف الى ذلك ان تدخل الجيش التشادي فى اى مهمة خارجية ،، ولو بقرار من مجلس الامن هو تدخل غير مرغوب فيه خاصة عندما تكون الدولة جارة مثل السودان ،، لان مثل هذا التدخل فى النزاع الداخلى بين البشير وشعبه ستكون له عواقب أنية ومستقبلية ،، وقد رأينا كيف ان تدخل القوات التشادية فى دولة مالى قد جر مصائب لها ما بعدها على الدولة التشادية من قبل الحركات الإسلامية فى ليبيا والسودان وغيرهما ،، وسوف تنتقم هذه الحركات يوما من ادريس ديبي ومن الجيش التشادي ،، ولن يهدأ بال عمر البشير ،، والحركات الإسلامية الأصولية الا بعد الانتقام من ادريس ديبي بسبب مشاركته فى اسقاط الإمارة الإسلامية فى مالى .
وقد كانت ام ادريس ديبي – رحمها الله – حصيفة حين منعته من التدخل فيما لا يعنيه لإبادة جيش حركة التحرير نيابة عن عمر البشير ،، والإبادة لن تتوقف على جيش التحرير ،، وانما كانت ستشمل المدنيين ،، فلو لا سماع ديبى لنصيحة جيشه ونصيحة والدته لكان مطلوبا بالاشتراك مع عمر البشير امام المحكمة الجنائية الدولية . هذا ،، وسوف أعود لهذا الموضوع عندما أتحدث عن موضوع ذى صلة تحت عنوان : ( لن نقاتل ادريس ديبي)
ثانيا – اعلن ادريس امام الملأ انه لن يسمح باى معارضة للحكومة السودانية تنطلق من دارفور ،، ( دى المعوجة يادبى) ،، فى سنة ٢٠١٠ وقع ديبي مع البشير اتفاقا ينص على عدم السماح لقيادات العدل والمساواة ( بعبور ) الاراضى التشادية فى طريقها لدارفور ،، قبلنا هذا الكلام ،، وقلنا تشاد دولة حرة فى أرضها ،، ولها السيادة الكاملة على أراضى دولة تشاد ،، اما ان يعلن ادريس ديبى بانه ( لا يسمح لاى معارضة سودانية ،، للحكومة السودانية ،، داخل الاراضى السودانية ،) ،، فهذا هو عين المحظور ،، وهذا هو التدخل السافر فى شؤون الغير ،، وهو ما يحظره القانون الدولى ،، وتعرفه حتى ام ادريس ديبي بفطرتها السليمة .
ثالثا – والكلام الذى هو عين النكتة ،، ومدعاة للسخرية ،، هو قول ادريس ديبي انه سيقوم بتنمية مناطق دار زغاوة . المعنى انه يستخدم سياسة الجزرة والعصا . فالسيد ادريس ديبي يتعامل مع دارفور كما تتعامل امريكا مع كوبا والمكسيك وبقية دول الموز ( كحديقة خلفية) ،، يعرض على أهلها الجزرة والعصا !!!
ان قيادات دارفور المنضوية تحت راية الجبهة الثورية لديها هم وطنى كبير يتعلق بالسودان كله ،، أكبر من الهموم الصغيرة المتعلقة بالقبيلة . اننا نعترف ،، ونفر بان الثورة المسلحة فى دارفور تركت آثارا سالبة ليس على قبيلة الزغاوة وحدها ،، وانما على قبائل الفور والمساليت التى تعرضت للإبادة الجماعية والتطهير العرقى ،، كما وقعت اثار الحرب على ( كل إقليم دارفور ) ،، لانه بسبب الحرب توقفت التنمية والخدمات التعليمية والصحية ،، وهذا هو ثمن ( الثورة) ،، وقد دفعت كل الدول العظيمة مثل هذا الثمن ،، ثم حققت وحدتها ،، وأقامت دولة المواطنة ،، والعدل والمساواة .
لن نقاتل جيش ادريس ديبي ( الا دفاعا عن النفس) ،، وسوف نستدرجه للخرطوم:
قبل ان أجيب على السؤال لماذا لن نقاتل ادريس ديبي سأورد واقعيين جوهريتين:-
الأولى سبقت الإشارة إليها وهى اعتراف ادريس ديبي ان الجيش التشادي رفض تنفيذ أوامره بالقضاء على حركتًي التحرير ،، و العدل والمساواة عام ٢٠٠٤ .
الثانية هى اعتراف ادريس ديبي بانه قال لدكتور خليل عام ٢٠١٠ بعد توقيع الاتفاق الاطارى فى انجمينا مع د غازي اذا ذهبت للدوحة لتوقيع الاتفاق هناك فلا ترجع الى انجمينا ،، وبالرغم تحذير ادريس ديبي رجع د خليل الى انجمينا ،،وانقل بيت القصيد من الواقعة الجوهرية الثانية من المقال رقم (٣) للأستاذ موس يعقوب جار النبي بعنوان : ( جريمة ابناء الزغاوة بالمؤتمر الوطنى ،، ومأساة أهلهم بين سندان البشير ومطرقة ادريس ديبي ( ٣-٥) ) ،، حيث قال ما يلى : وأدلى الرئيس بهذا الخصوص معلومة ربما لأول مرة يصرح بها ،، وهى ان د خليل ( لم يأت من تلقاء نفسه فقط ،، فهناك بعض المسؤولين بالدولة قالوا له تعال ،، وسيبك من كلام ادريس ،، ( ادريس البلد ما حقو براه) ،، وهؤلاء الناس ليسوا ببعديين عنكم ،، هؤلاء الجالسين أمامكم ،، أشار الى الجنرالات الموجودين فى القاعة ) انتهى الاقتباس .
لن نقاتل جيش ادريس ديبي للأسباب التالية :
١ – ادريس ديبي لن ينزل بنفسه الى دارفور لمقاتلة الحركات الدارفورية ،، و انما سيرسل جيشه ،، وانا اسأل القراء : باى منطق نقاتل جيش ادريس ديبي الذى رفض تنفيذ أوامر القائد الأعلى ورئيس الجمهورية ،، المتعلقة بالحركات الدارفورية والواردة على لسانه ،، وباعترافه ،، و ما خفى اعظم ،، وانا فى هذا المقام بحى اشقاءنا فى دولة تشاد ،، وبعبر عن محبتى ومعزتى للشعب التشادي ،، وبحى الجيش التشادي الذى يحترم القانون الدولى ،، والقانون التشادي ،، ويتحرك فقط طبقا لصلاحياته الدستورية وفى نطاق الدولة التشادية ،، ولا يتحرك خارجها الا بتفويض رسمى طبقا للقانون الدولى .
٢ – لن نقاتل الجيش التشادي حتى اذا جاء مكرها من رئيسه ادريس ديبي ( الا فى حالة الدفاع عن النفس) ،، لان الجيش التشادي ليس عدونا ،، ولن نحقق للمؤتمر الوطنى اهدافه ،، لماذا نقاتل اشقاءنا لمصلحة عمر البشير؟؟!! وعلى صلة بالموضوع ،، اننا نلتزم بوصية والدة ادريس ديبي ،، رحمها الله ،، ونعتبر نصيحتها لابنها ادريس بعدم القضاء على حركتى التحرير والعدل والمساواة عام ٢٠٠٤ وصية ملزمة لنا ،، فنحن جميعا أولادها ،، ونصيحتها الذهبية ملزمة لنا ،، حية او ميتة .
٣ – ان تدخل جيش ادريس ديبي فى دارفور للقضاء على الحركات المسلحة ،، اذا حدث ولو بطلب خطى من عمر البشير ،، يعتبر خرقا خطيرا للقانون الدولى ،، لان هذا الإجراء سيؤدى الى زيادة العنف فى دارفور ،، و يهدد المدنيين ،، وسوف يقود الى إبادة جديدة فى دارفور لان الحكومة ستعود الى استخدام سلاح الجو ،، وطائرات الانتينوف . والمجتمع الدولى ،، والاتحاد الافريقى لن يصمت على مثل هذه الجريمة ،، خاصة وان ملف دارفور أصلا معروض امام مجلس الامن ،، فضلا عن الحركات الدافورية لها حضور كبير فى امريكا واستراليا ،، وبريطانيا ،، وفرنسا ، وبقية دول الاتحاد الأوروبي ،، وسوف تقوم بالتظاهر امام السفارات التشادية ،، بل ستقوم المظاهرات حتى فى الخرطوم ضد التدخل التشادي الغاشم ،، علما بان الجبهة الثورية ،، بعد ثورة سبتمبر التى بدأت من نيالا،، أصبحت أمل كل الأمة السودانية فى الخلاص من نظام الانقاذ المتهالك . وسوف توجه الجبهة الثورية نداءا لجماهيرها وقواعدها فى العاصمة للخروج للتظاهر ضد التدخل الأجنبي ،، باختصار ،، ملف دارفور له أنصار فى كل أنحاء العالم ،، ولن يستطيع ادريس ديبي مواجهة الشعب السودانى ،، والمجتمع الإقليمي و الدولى .
٤ – اذا أصر ادريس ديبي على إرسال جيشه لمقاتلة الحركات الدارفورية المسلحة المنضوية تحت الجبهة الثورية لن نقاتله ،، وسوف نتفاداه ،، ونستدرجه تجاه الخرطوم ،، لعلمنا ان نظام الخرطوم لن يسمح لجيش ادريس ديبي (ان يقرب على الخرطوم ،) ،، لانه لا يثق فى ادريس ديبي ،، وان وثق فيه ،، فهو لا يثق فى الجيش التشادي / الزغاوى حسب اعتقاد البشير ،، وسيقول البشير : الزغاوة ديل سيتامرون على ،، ويدخلون الخرطوم سويا لإسقاط النظام . وسوف تكفينا ظنون البشير السيئة عن مواجهة اشقاينا فى الجيش التشادي .
ابوبكر القاضى
كاردف / ويلز
٦ نوفمبر ٢٠١٣
'مجاهدو الإنترنت' في خدمة البشير بالصور الإباحية
11-07-2013 06:02 AM
الخرطوم- وفقا لتقرير «فريدوم هاوس» الذي أعد مع «حركة قرفنا» السودانية. يعتبر الصحفيون ونشطاء الإنترنت في السودان تغيير حسابات فيسبوك والبريد الإلكتروني الخاصة بهم أمرا عاديا.
كما يقوم العديد منهم بتبادل الرسائل من خلال حساباتهم، مؤكدين أنهم تعرضوا لمحاولات قرصنة بعضها فاشل وبعضها الآخر ناجح».
وعندما بدأت حركة الاحتجاج في السودان تستخدم الإنترنت لنشر المعلومات والخطط المتعلقة بالمظاهرات والاعتصامات، عمد «عملاء الحكومة إلى قرصنة المواقع التابعة للمعارضين.
وقاموا أيضا بوضع صور إباحية على مواقع فيسبوك، ليبلغوا فيما بعد الجهة الإدارية للفيسبوك عن وجود محتويات محظورة تخالف قواعد الاستخدام.
وأصبح عملاء الحكومة (مجاهدو الإنترنت كما يسمون أنفسهم) أكثر مهارة حيث تلقوا تدريبات في الهند وماليزيا كما ذكرت حركة «قرفنا» في تقرير حرية الإنترنت.
و»مجاهدو الإنترنت» الذين يطلق عليهم أحيانا «وحدة المقاومة الإلكترونية» إلى جانب أسماء أخرى يتواجدون في الجامعة ويقومون بإنشاء حسابات بأسماء وصور فتيات يستخدمونها للتشكيك في المعلومات التي تنشر أو لإضافة النشطاء ليتمكنوا من الوصول إلى صفحاتهم.
يقول الطالب شريف ديا الذي ينشط على الإنترنت إنه بدأ يتعرض للمضايقة قبل أشهر قليلة عندما لم يعد بإمكانه الدخول إلى حسابه على موقع فيسبوك.
ويضيف «وبعدها وضعوا صورة الرئيس كصورة لملفي الشخصي. وقتها اكتشفت أن حسابي تعرض للقرصنة».
بعد ذلك، تم استخدام حساب ديا لنشر تعليقات مهينة ضد شخصيات سياسية مختلفة وإرسال رسائل تحرش خاصة وخليعة لصديقاته.
ويتابع ديا «لحـــسن الحــظ تمكن صديق لي من استعادة حسابي وساعدني على تأمينه».
في 21 من أكتوبر/ تشرين الأول، كشف الصحفي السوداني الذي يعمل في قناة «العربية» خالد عويس أن حسابه تعرض «لمحاولة قرصنة فاشلة». كما ذكر خالد أحمد الذي يعمل في يومية «السوداني» أن بريده الإلكتروني تمت قرصنته وتم نشر مقال باسمه ما أدى إلى قيام القوات المسلحة بتقديم تهم خطيرة ضده.
الصحفية السودانية المقيمة في مصر سمية هندوسة تقول «تعرضت للقرصنة من خلال بريدي الإلكتروني حيث اخترقوه بعدما وجدوا العنوان مصاحب لمقال منشور على الإنترنت».
وتضيف إذا كان الأمر يتعلق بصحفية فيتم إرسال صور جنسية عبر بريدها الإلكتروني للضغط عليها حتى تلتزم الصمت.
تم اعتقال هندوسة في نوفمبر الماضي لمدة خمسة أيام، وأخضعت للاستجواب من قبل المسؤول عن وحدة «المدونات وأمن الإنترنت»، حسب قولها.
وتتابع هندوسة التي تم حلق رأسها خلال اعتقالها في نوفمبر/ تشرين الثاني 2012 إن «أحد رجال الأمن قال لي إنه تم الإبلاغ عن صفحتي على فيسبوك بعد أن نشرت صورة شخصية لي لا أرتدي الحجاب فيها وأنني إذا لم أتوقف عن نشر تلك الصور فسيجعلون رأسي أصلع».
العرب
Thursday, 17 October 2013
A visit to South Sudan.
Bashir expected to visit South Sudan next week
October 16, 2013 (JUBA) - Sudanese President Omer Al-Bashir is expected for an official visit to South Sudan on 22 October, according to a senior South Sudan official.
The visit will be the third by the Bashir since South Sudan seceded from Sudan in 2011.
The visit will also come two weeks after the two countries signed an agreement allowing establishment of official entry crossing points on both sides of the border and committing to honour past pledges including releasing of prisoners of war.
Asked about the visit, a spokesperson for South Sudan’s ministry of foreign affairs said he had unofficially heard about it but said South Sudan had not yet received official communication from their counterparts in Khartoum.
"It [the visit ] remains a rumour. There is no official communication at the moment with the government of Sudan. The Sudanese embassy here says it sent to our official account a document about this information but we have not opened it because our system has been experiencing some technical issues for the whole of today", Ambassador Mawien Makol told Sudan Tribune on Wednesday.
However, Makol said contact with officials at South Sudan’s embassy in Khartoum indicate Bashir will likely visit South Sudan next week.
"The information we have from Khartoum shows that president Bashir is expected to visit Juba on 22 October, but it has not been officially confirmed", he further said.
Meanwhile, Eye Radio, a local radio station supported by the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) quoted Sudanese Information minister, Hamed Belal Osman confirming the visit, saying it is aimed at strengthening the relations between the two countries.
“I can say that we need the visits to continue in a natural manner. We want the visit to be normal because the two Presidents are brothers,’’ Eye Radio quoted minister Osman as saying.
According to Eye Radio, the minister said the Abyei referendum and demarcation of the border will likely be discussed by the two heads of state.
The Sudanese and South Sudanese presidents agreed last September during a summit held in Khartoum to fully implement the cooperation agreements signed in September 2012.
Abyei and some border zones remains the only unresolved issues between the two sides.
(ST)
October 16, 2013 (JUBA) - Sudanese President Omer Al-Bashir is expected for an official visit to South Sudan on 22 October, according to a senior South Sudan official.
The visit will be the third by the Bashir since South Sudan seceded from Sudan in 2011.
The visit will also come two weeks after the two countries signed an agreement allowing establishment of official entry crossing points on both sides of the border and committing to honour past pledges including releasing of prisoners of war.
Asked about the visit, a spokesperson for South Sudan’s ministry of foreign affairs said he had unofficially heard about it but said South Sudan had not yet received official communication from their counterparts in Khartoum.
"It [the visit ] remains a rumour. There is no official communication at the moment with the government of Sudan. The Sudanese embassy here says it sent to our official account a document about this information but we have not opened it because our system has been experiencing some technical issues for the whole of today", Ambassador Mawien Makol told Sudan Tribune on Wednesday.
However, Makol said contact with officials at South Sudan’s embassy in Khartoum indicate Bashir will likely visit South Sudan next week.
"The information we have from Khartoum shows that president Bashir is expected to visit Juba on 22 October, but it has not been officially confirmed", he further said.
Meanwhile, Eye Radio, a local radio station supported by the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) quoted Sudanese Information minister, Hamed Belal Osman confirming the visit, saying it is aimed at strengthening the relations between the two countries.
“I can say that we need the visits to continue in a natural manner. We want the visit to be normal because the two Presidents are brothers,’’ Eye Radio quoted minister Osman as saying.
According to Eye Radio, the minister said the Abyei referendum and demarcation of the border will likely be discussed by the two heads of state.
The Sudanese and South Sudanese presidents agreed last September during a summit held in Khartoum to fully implement the cooperation agreements signed in September 2012.
Abyei and some border zones remains the only unresolved issues between the two sides.
(ST)
Thursday, 26 September 2013
INVESTMENT.
El Fasher, Success Story in Development Financing
El Fasher – Collection partnership pursued by North Darfur State, which found praise from the government and the neighboring states of Sudan as the best way to provide self revenue, enabled the state government to provide funding for 158 development and services projects in all the localities of the state, at amount of more than SDG 150 million, where the said projects were opened by the Assistant President of the Republic, Dr. Nafie Ali Nafie.
Minister of Finance, Economy and Civil Service in North Darfur, Dr. Abdu Dawood Suleiman said that money provided for the said projects was through the collection partnership. He stressed that these projects come in implementing of the three-year program, and commitments made by the state government in its electoral program in 2010, which includes the areas of water , health and education. The minister pointed to other projects that implemented by microfinance foundation, where more than 1,900 people in the state have benefited from them. He indicated to the importance of the living standard improvement projects that have been signed with a number of bodies. The minister stressed that the signing of agreements with some bodies is evidence of the success of the microfinance project. He said that the projects launched by the President's Assistant comes as a glimmer of hope , praising the efforts of development partners, Federal Ministry of Finance, a number of banks, Zakat Chamber and the Sudanese Initiative for Development .
North Darfur Governor, Osman Mohammed Yousef Kibir stressed that the completion of renaissance projects mark a milestone in the development. He pointed out that the federal government, Darfur Regional Authority, the state government, and donors can offer a lot of services in Darfur. He explained that the said inaugural program addresses development and basic services projects, such as, education, health and water.
Kibir pointed to the policy taken by the state to rely on own resources, pointing out that after the expansion of stability, security and peace, the government has developed a program of self-reliance and that administrative procedures package was taken, besides collection partnership project, which was the better in the Middle East, where revenues doubled dozens of times in the state. Kibir pointed to the financial cost paid by the state government in securing the city of El Fasher, beside provision of strategic stockpile of 60 thousand of sugar sacks, 60 thousand flour sacks and other consumer goods that meet the need of the state of food for several months. He stressed that the state has achieved a balance in all localities. Kibir pointed to measures taken by the state to address the effects that could arise as a result of the removal of fuel subsidies.
For his part, Dr. Nafie hailed the administrative and financial actions taken by the state on revenues increasing, calling to rely on their own resources by increasing the collection. He said that this achievement came due to solidarity of Darfur people. He stressed the need to conduct the economic reforms in the country to reduce spending, increase revenues and production and address the gap between imports and exports, reiterating the state's commitment to provide support to the vulnerable sectors. Nafie said that the new economic measures that the State intends to implement aim to reach a real stable economy, referring to the ongoing efforts and attempts carried out by the competent bodies in order to achieve economic, intellectual and cultural independence, despite Western conspiracies. He added that the most effective means taken by the Salvation Revolution was the implementation tripartite economic program. Nafie said that Sudan still pays the price of its ideological orientation, through the economic blockade imposed on it. He reviewed the major challenges facing Sudan by countries that do not want stability to the country. Nafie revealed that 99% of Sudan's budget comes from internal revenues and that the state does not rely on external support in its budgets, but by only 1%. He stressed that the state has used the oil in development and infrastructure projects. Dr. Nafie pointed to the negative effects that are expected to occur in the absence of the application of the new economic measures. He said that the global economy had been controlled by the Western countries, but it turned toward the eastern countries, which has no colonial ambitions.
By Al-Sammani Awadallah, 2 hours 7 seconds ago
El Fasher – Collection partnership pursued by North Darfur State, which found praise from the government and the neighboring states of Sudan as the best way to provide self revenue, enabled the state government to provide funding for 158 development and services projects in all the localities of the state, at amount of more than SDG 150 million, where the said projects were opened by the Assistant President of the Republic, Dr. Nafie Ali Nafie.
Minister of Finance, Economy and Civil Service in North Darfur, Dr. Abdu Dawood Suleiman said that money provided for the said projects was through the collection partnership. He stressed that these projects come in implementing of the three-year program, and commitments made by the state government in its electoral program in 2010, which includes the areas of water , health and education. The minister pointed to other projects that implemented by microfinance foundation, where more than 1,900 people in the state have benefited from them. He indicated to the importance of the living standard improvement projects that have been signed with a number of bodies. The minister stressed that the signing of agreements with some bodies is evidence of the success of the microfinance project. He said that the projects launched by the President's Assistant comes as a glimmer of hope , praising the efforts of development partners, Federal Ministry of Finance, a number of banks, Zakat Chamber and the Sudanese Initiative for Development .
North Darfur Governor, Osman Mohammed Yousef Kibir stressed that the completion of renaissance projects mark a milestone in the development. He pointed out that the federal government, Darfur Regional Authority, the state government, and donors can offer a lot of services in Darfur. He explained that the said inaugural program addresses development and basic services projects, such as, education, health and water.
Kibir pointed to the policy taken by the state to rely on own resources, pointing out that after the expansion of stability, security and peace, the government has developed a program of self-reliance and that administrative procedures package was taken, besides collection partnership project, which was the better in the Middle East, where revenues doubled dozens of times in the state. Kibir pointed to the financial cost paid by the state government in securing the city of El Fasher, beside provision of strategic stockpile of 60 thousand of sugar sacks, 60 thousand flour sacks and other consumer goods that meet the need of the state of food for several months. He stressed that the state has achieved a balance in all localities. Kibir pointed to measures taken by the state to address the effects that could arise as a result of the removal of fuel subsidies.
For his part, Dr. Nafie hailed the administrative and financial actions taken by the state on revenues increasing, calling to rely on their own resources by increasing the collection. He said that this achievement came due to solidarity of Darfur people. He stressed the need to conduct the economic reforms in the country to reduce spending, increase revenues and production and address the gap between imports and exports, reiterating the state's commitment to provide support to the vulnerable sectors. Nafie said that the new economic measures that the State intends to implement aim to reach a real stable economy, referring to the ongoing efforts and attempts carried out by the competent bodies in order to achieve economic, intellectual and cultural independence, despite Western conspiracies. He added that the most effective means taken by the Salvation Revolution was the implementation tripartite economic program. Nafie said that Sudan still pays the price of its ideological orientation, through the economic blockade imposed on it. He reviewed the major challenges facing Sudan by countries that do not want stability to the country. Nafie revealed that 99% of Sudan's budget comes from internal revenues and that the state does not rely on external support in its budgets, but by only 1%. He stressed that the state has used the oil in development and infrastructure projects. Dr. Nafie pointed to the negative effects that are expected to occur in the absence of the application of the new economic measures. He said that the global economy had been controlled by the Western countries, but it turned toward the eastern countries, which has no colonial ambitions.
By Al-Sammani Awadallah, 2 hours 7 seconds ago
END THE WAR GAME SOON!
There Were Many Reasons for Defecting from Jibreel Faction to Join Peace, Interview (2-2)
In the evening of April 2013, the leaders of Justice and Equality Movement (JEM) signed Doha Document for Peace in Darfur after a more than 4-month-long negotiations with government in Khartoum. The leaders of the movement opted for negotiations out of convictions that there was no alternative to stability in the region except pursuing path of negotiations and peaceful means, through which the two signed were eventually able to come to an agreement that would accommodate all. Shortly after inking the agreement, the leaders of the movement were ambushed while on their way to Khartoum by rebel Justice and Equality Movement – Jibreel. The chairmen of JEM and his deputy Arco lost their lives in the incident, while 28 other leaders are still being held in custody. Nevertheless, JEM, which is signatory to the Doha agreement, has continued to pursue the path of peace to arrive in Khartoum late March to carry through its obligations with the government, transcending the great loss of its prominent leaders in the aforementioned attack by rival rebel movements. To shed lights on the thorny road the movement has walked in pursuit of peace and stability in Darfur, Sudan Vision below interviews, Nahar Osman Nahar, JEM's head of a vanguard delegation to Khartoum.
Q: Do you expect to demand top ministries like foreign?
A: The names of ministries are not a problem. We will reach agreement with partners in the government on that because there are many positions where we can serve since we signed the important agreement. What matters is we work at ministry fully satisfied as well as our partners on the other side. So far we have not settled on any ministerial portfolio, but we work where we can achieve something.
Q: What were contents and outcomes of your meetings with the government since your arrival in Khartoum? Who have you met?
A: We have held and still holding a number of meetings. We met with the Minister for Justice, Mohamed Bushara Dosa, ministers at Darfur Peace Bureau, the National Assembly, and National Unity Government Council. Meetings with many other ministers will continue to pave the way for the arrival of the Chairman of the movement and working for translating the agreement into actions; including discussing details and timetables. We regard all of our meetings positive and fruitful. Our visits were not exclusive to the governmental side, but we maintained communications with a number of Sudanese parties, civil society organizations, and national figures.
Q: When will your presidential delegation headed by the chairman of the movement, Dabajo arrive?
A: There are always new developments in politics at any moment; especially the chairman of the movement is currently present in the field undertaking his function, most lately retrieval of a vehicle belonging to the armed forces from outlaws. Generally, there are a number of points, which may expedite his arrival such as the general pardon granted to the forces of the movement in custody. A list including a great deal of political prisoners in Sudan was submitted.
Q: On what charges were those leaders thrown behind the bars? Were some of them accused of involvement in Omdurman attacks?
A: Part of was do with Omdurman incidents, while the other part was related to battles against the government. Some prisoners were charged with taking part in activities supporting Justice and Equality Movement against the government. A list containing their names was submitted as important preliminary step, which may accelerate the arrival of the chairman of the movement in Khartoum. He is expected to arrive within two weeks after progress was reached in some files, particularly general pardon.
Q: Does your visit to Darfur depend on their arrival in Khartoum?
A: Part of vanguard delegation will go Darfur to prepare for the arrival of chairman, who will tour Darfur states after his visit to Khartoum.
Q: Aren't concerned about his safety that he might be attacked by non-signatory movements?
A: What happened in the past was a group of armless persons assassinated in cold blood. They would have not be attacked should we had army; simply it is very easy to target the unarmed even in Khartoum. It was not a military battle at first place. What happen was a stab in the back and treachery.
Q: Would you please acquaint us with what happened exactly regarding the assassination key figures in your movement?
A: The incident could better be described as "awkward act", carried out in neighboring Chad in a bid to abort peaceful process in Darfur. A number of leaders were assassinated while some others were held in custody. We view such appalling attack as sacrifice for peace. We will stay the course for peace and follow their footsteps toward bringing peace to Darfur. We will never let their blood go in vain. We will continue to walk the same path until peace becomes a tangible reality on the ground.
Q: What efforts the movement has taken to liberate the detainees? Do you know their whereabouts?
A: Of course, according to our reliable source, we have accurate information about their whereabouts. Also, the movement has contacts with local, regional and international human rights organizations like the ICRC; in addition to communication with members of the Security Council, UNAMID. We levied a number of lawsuits at the level of Sudan with Darfur Crimes Tribunal. Furthermore, we are making additional efforts, which are off-record. We assure the families of the detainees, despite our reservation about the term "detainee" because detention is a result of a military battle, but what took place on that day was not a battle. Our losses were hostages not detainees. I am convinced that our efforts will yield fruits in releasing them through political, legal efforts, or else we will be compelled to set them free militarily.
Q: Are sure that all detainees are alive?
A: Of course, according to our information, the 28 detainees are still alive, but they are being treated indecently and harassment such as depriving them of food and calling their families.
Q: In case political efforts failed, would the movement resort to force to release them?
A: Our hostage brothers were taken away by force. We chased the kidnappers close to borders with South Sudan. We are prepared to engage in war with this terrorist group to free our hostages. This is a red line, and will not tolerate detention of signatories to peace endlessly. All remain options on the table.
Q: Do think that the government is required to demonstrate further goodwill in order to encourage the armed movement to join the peaceful process?
A: Certainly. For severally reasons including the Doha agreement should be more flexible. We believe that drafting good terms is crucial to peace – the reason why we signed the agreement. I expect more movements with sign it provided that some items related to those movements are taken into account and added as appendix. In this situation, the government can make the document desirable to groups willing to join it.
Q: Do you think that there are international forces preventing parties willing to join the Doha deal, especially the Darfur issue is being capitalized by exploiters.
A: many states that are in bad terms with the government are seeking to exploit the movements in their conflict with the government. When we were taking up arms against the government, we had the backing of the government of the slain leader Muamar Gaddafi and South Sudan. Some movements benefited from such situation materially, which is common in international politics.
Q: For how long will hear about continuous splintering within Darfur factions to join Doha negotiations in a new name, considering that signatory movements have now reached 20 factions?
A: The government has to be blamed for dividing these movements in the beginning in a bid to undermine them, but such strategy proved failure later. Movements carrying weight in Darfur don't exceed five movements including Justice and Equality Movement.
Q: Absence of security constitutes a major threat to peace in Darfur despite allocation of huge mounts of money earmarked for development. What is your message to movements mainly fighting for abolishing development projects in favor of the people of the region?
A: We, in Justice and Equality Movement, believe that peace is crucial to the return of the internally displaced persons (IDPs) to their homes of origin. We are working to restore security and order in regions of our control as well as contributing to restoring security in adjacent areas. We are working for that end in partnership with the government so that overall security prevails and developmental programs kick off, only then the refugees will voluntarily go back to their former homes.
Q: What do make the work of Darfur Crimes Attorney General?
A: We, in the agreement, called for not authorizing any tribunal in Darfur, save for Darfur Criminal Tribunal. Demanded all previously existing courts abolished; in addition setting up special police force to protect the Attorney, while UNAMID should oversee his work to assess performance. If that achieved, all results will be satisfactory to all parties. If the tribunal pursued fair justice course, many crimes committed in Darfur will be settled and justice will be administered for victims.
Q: Are you optimistic about peace in Darfur any sooner?
A: Peace can be achieved a step by step, which were started a long ago. We not claim that we are the only parties that will bring peace to Darfur, but we can reach that end when all join forces and demonstrate strong desire for stability and settlement across the region. Finally, I would like to stress that by signing the agreement we have taken the right political direction after a long consideration, we are seeking to transform into a political party when security arrangements are in place. Until then, we will gradually become a political body and will exercise politics in tandem with efforts to end the war by all means any ways. We have laid down our arms in full conviction of necessity for dialogue and involvement in building the country under mounting challenges our country is currently faced with. We have come to a conviction that democracy can only be reached through ballots.
By Hana Abdul Hai, 2 hours 21 minutes ago
Saturday, 27 July 2013
BLUE NILE DELEMA OF WAR.
Please donate
IBAN IT 25E36000032000CA005733249 PayPal no. 5338 750161571072
Isam Abdalla Secretary of refugees Association Ethiopia.
Please donate to help Blue Nile state refgees only 5 dollars
IBAN IT 25E36000032000CA005733249 PayPal no. 5338 750161571072
Isam Abdalla Secretary of refugees Association
نرجوكم التبرع لمنكوبى ولاجئ حرب ولايه النيل الازرق رقم الحساب
بما تجودون به ٥دولارات الى ١٠٠ دولا
Food aid reaches Sudan’s Blue Nile state for first time in over a year, UN agency reports
4 April 2013 – In what the United Nations World Food Programme (WFP) is calling a “major breakthrough,” the first UN food rations have reached conflict-affected people in Sudan’s Blue Nile state since 2011, when the isolated rural area near the South Sudan border was cut off by insecurity and movement restrictions imposed by the Government.
“While we continue to strive for access to all areas, this is still a major breakthrough which will enable us to assist those who continue to be displaced by the conflict or those who have decided to return to their homes and are in dire need of food assistance,” said WFP’s Country Director in Sudan, Adnan Khan.
Fighting between the Sudanese armed forces and the rebel Sudan People’s Liberation Movement-North (SPLM-N) broke out in Blue Nile state in September 2011, after neighbouring South Sudan seceded under the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement that ended a decades-long civil war. The fighting in Blue Nile displaced and then isolated tens of thousands of people.
“We are giving a two-month ration for this first round of distribution, following an assessment which we carried out early last month in two of the areas most severely affected by the conflict, Geissan and Kurmuk,” said WFP Programme Officer Arduino Mangoni. He is in Geissan leading a team that monitors the distribution of food to 12,000 people. WFP plans to reach an additional 39,000 people in Kurmuk.
Additional WFP staff are in four other localities in Blue Nile state to determine how people are coping with their food needs, what food is available in the market and at what price.
“The overall plan is to assist all those we can reach in the six localities before the onset of the rainy season in May,” Mr. Khan said.
WFP has said it will need an additional $20.5 million to buy 17,000 metric tons of food it estimates will be needed.
Tuesday, 23 July 2013
Bashir confessed his crimes.
Bashir rende rara ammissione di "spargimento di sangue" e "ingiustizia" in Sudan
22 Luglio 2013, (KHARTOUM) - Il presidente sudanese Omer Hassan al-Bashir ha fornito una valutazione insolitamente candido della situazione nel suo paese esprimendo rammarico per la prevalenza di spargimento di sangue in Sudan e persino sembrava essere in possesso di se stesso personalmente responsabile.
"In che modo Dio risponde alle nostre preghiere quando siamo versare il sangue dei musulmani e il sangue di ogni altri '?" Bashir ha detto ai partecipanti ad una cena Iftar ospitato dal capo del Darfur Transitional Authority (DRA) al-Tijani al-Seisi nella sua casa di Khartoum.
"Sappiamo che la distruzione della Ka'ba [alla Mecca] è minore [a gravità], agli occhi di Dio che l'uccisione di un anima [umana]", ha aggiunto.
Il presidente sudanese ha sottolineato che le persone si puniti in questa vita per tutti i peccati che commettono tranne omicidio che ha il suo castigo salvato per il giorno del giudizio.
Il generale sudanese veterano, che ha governato il Sudan per 24 anni da un colpo di stato nel 1989, ha anche detto che l '"ingiustizia" che avvolge il paese ha provocato siccità e mancanza di pioggia.
"Come possiamo chiedere pietà [da Dio] quando le nostre mani sono coperte di sangue?" Chiese Bashir.
Ha poi affrontato la crescente tendenza di conflitti tribali in Darfur e ha esortato gli abitanti del Darfur presenti di alzare la mano e fare un giuramento sul loro desiderio di cercare la pace.
"Giuro e diciamo che siamo per la pace e contro la guerra .... Non vogliamo che nessuno dall'esterno ci suggerivano. Risolveremo i nostri problemi", ha detto il presidente sudanese.
Bashir ha detto che le ragioni per le uccisioni in Darfur non hanno nemmeno garantisce la macellazione di una pecora per non parlare di un essere umano e ha promesso che un prossimo una conferenza di riconciliazione tribale si presenti con soluzioni reali.
Le dichiarazioni di out-of-the-ordinarie per Bashir rappresentano una partenza forte dai suoi soliti discorsi infuocati in cui spesso colpisce un tono di sfida e minaccia ai suoi avversari e alle nazioni occidentali allo stesso modo che egli pretese sono al lavoro per rovesciare il suo regime.
In tutta la sua regola dei due decenni, Bashir è riuscito a resistere a una grande guerra civile con quello che oggi è indipendente del Sud Sudan, molteplici ribellioni che continuano fino ad oggi, le sanzioni degli Stati Uniti e più recentemente di una Corte penale internazionale (CPI) mandato di cattura relativo al fatto che egli orchestrato i crimini di guerra e genocidio in Darfur.
Il conflitto scoppiato nella grande regione occidentale del Darfur, nel 2003, quando i ribelli etnici africani insorsero contro Khartoum, lamentando discriminazioni da parte del governo dominato dagli arabi.
Khartoum ha risposto con una repressione militare, ed è accusato di scatenare milizie arabe conosciute dei Janjaweed, che hanno attaccato etnici africani villaggi, uccidendo, stuprando e saccheggiando residenti, secondo i rapporti delle Nazioni Unite.
Mentre il record di Khartoum diritti umani ha sempre disegnato condanna da Bashir, salito al potere nel suo brutale repressione del dissenso, il conflitto del Darfur ha creato un mal di testa per il governo sudanese che ha cercato senza sosta per etichettarlo come un manufatto e una crisi esagerata.
Bashir stesso ha negato con forza qualsiasi uccisioni di massa in Darfur e continuamente affermato che non più di 10.000 furono uccisi dalla violenza scoppiata una decina di anni fa e ha respinto la responsabilità delle morti.
L'ONU stima che 300.000 persone sono state uccise nel corso del conflitto del Darfur, mentre più di 2 milioni di civili sono stati sfollati.
Anche se la violenza in Darfur è venuta meno dalle sue vette 2003-2004 ha recentemente preso di nuovo tra l'esercito, ribelli e tribù rivali, spostando circa 300.000 persone dal gennaio di quest'anno.
(ST)
Bashir makes rare admission of "bloodshed" & "injustice" in Sudan
July 22, 2013, (KHARTOUM) - The Sudanese president Omer Hassan al-Bashir gave an unusually candid assessment of the situation in his country expressing regret over the prevalence of bloodshed in Sudan and even appeared to be holding himself personally responsible.
"How will god answer our prayers when we are shedding the blood of Muslims and each others’ blood?" Bashir told attendees at an Iftar dinner hosted by the head of the Darfur Transitional Authority (DRA) al-Tijani al-Seisi at his home in Khartoum.
"We know that the destruction of the Ka’aba [in Mecca] is lesser [in gravity] in the eyes of god than the killing of a [human] soul," he added.
The Sudanese president stressed that people get punished in this life for all sins they commit except murder which has its retribution saved for the day of judgment.
The veteran Sudanese general, who ruled Sudan for 24 years since staging a coup in 1989, also said that the "injustice" shrouding the country resulted in drought and lack of rain.
"How can we ask for mercy [from god] when our hands are covered in blood?" Bashir asked.
He then addressed the growing trend of tribal conflicts in Darfur and urged the Darfuris present to raise their hands and make an oath on their desire to seek peace.
"Swear and say we are for peace and against war….We do not want anyone from outside advising us. We will solve our own problems," the Sudanese president said.
Bashir said that reasons for the killings in Darfur do not even warrant slaughtering a sheep let alone a human being and vowed that an upcoming a tribal reconciliation conference will come up with real solutions.
The out-of-the-ordinary statements by Bashir represent a stark departure from his usual fiery speeches in which he often strikes a challenging and threatening tone to his opponents and to the western nations alike which he claims are working to topple his regime.
Throughout his two-decades rule, Bashir has managed to weather a major civil war with what is now independent South Sudan, multiple rebellions that continue till this very day, U.S. sanctions and most recently an International Criminal Court (ICC) arrest warrant alleging that he orchestrated war crimes and genocide in Darfur.
The conflict erupted in the large western region of Darfur in 2003, when ethnic African rebels rose up against Khartoum, complaining of discrimination by the Arab-dominated government.
Khartoum responded with a military crackdown, and it is accused of unleashing Arab militias known of Janjaweed, which have attacked ethnic African villages, killing, raping and looting residents, according to United Nations reports.
While Khartoum’s human rights record has always drawn condemnation since Bashir came to power over its brutal suppression of dissent, the Darfur conflict created a headache for the Sudanese government which has sought tirelessly to label it as a manufactured and an exaggerated crisis.
Bashir himself has vehemently denied any mass killings in Darfur and continuously asserted that no more than 10,000 were killed since the violence broke out a decade ago and rejected responsibility for the deaths.
The UN estimates that 300,000 people were killed in the course of the Darfur conflict while more than 2 million civilians were displaced.
Even though the violence in Darfur has ebbed from its 2003-2004 peaks it has recently picked up again between the army, rebels and rival tribes, displacing some 300,000 people since January of this year.
(ST)
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