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اذا قاتلنا جيش ديبي فلن نقاتله ،، سنستدرجه تجاه الخرطوم.. دارفور ليست حديقة خلفية لإدريس ديبي

11-07-2013 05:23 AM

ابوبكر القاضى



شهد النصف الثانى من شهر اكتوبر المنصرم الإعداد المرتب لما سمى ( الموتمر الجامع لأبناء قبيلة الزغاوة) ،، والذى انعقد بمدينة ام جرس الحدودية داخل الاراضى التشادية ،يوم ٢٥ اكتوبر ٢٠١٣ ،، وحضره من الجانب السودانى اللواء تجانى ادم الطاهر عضو مجلس قيادة الثورة ،، بصفته رييس هيئة شورى قبيلة الزغاوة فى السودان ،، وحضره وزير العدل محمد بشارة دوسة ،، وفى الجانب التشادي حضر اللقاء الرئيس ادريس ديبى شخصيا ،، وأعيان القبيلة ،، عسكريين ومديين . اللقاء فى حقيقته لم يكن موضوعه معالجة شؤون القبيلة ،، وانما كان يتعلق بالشأن السودانى كله ،، وملف دارفور ،، والحركات الدارفورية المنضوية تحت الجبهة الثورية .



اللقاء ،، كما سيتضح من سردنا ادناه لما دار فيه من وقائع ،، الغرض منه خدمة اجندة الموتمر الوطنى ،، وقد انعقد هذا الموتمر اساسا بطلب من حكومة الخرطوم ،، واهم انجاز حققه هذا الموتمر الجامع للزغاوة هو سقوط ( اسطورة دولة الزغاوة الكبرى ) ،، فقد كانت حكومة الخرطوم تردد هذه الاسطوانة المشروخة عندما كانت ترى ان ( وحدة قبيلة الزغاوة تهدد حكومة الخرطوم ) ،، اما الان ،، وحين ضمنت حكومة الخرطوم جانب ادريس ديبي ،، قررت عقد هذا الموتمر الجامع لقبيلة الزغاوة لتحصل منه على شرعية ( قبيلة الزغاوة) لاستخدام الجيش التشادى لقتل وابادة ابناء القبيلة من قادة الحركات الدارفورية ،، ولانهاء كافة اشكال التمرد فى دارفور نيابة عن حكومة الخرطوم !!! الهدف من لقاء ام جرس إذن ،، هو طعن الجبهة الثورية من الخلف ،، بعد ان ثبت من انتفاضة سبتمبر المجيدة انها هى الأمل الوحيد لخلاص الشعب السودانى كله ،، فى المركز والهامش من نظام الانقاذ من خلال الانتفاضة المحمية من الجبهة الثورية،، وسوف نقدم هنا الدليل على ما نقول من واقع أقوال السيد ادريس ديبي :



أقوال ادريس ديبي الدالة على استهداف الجبهة الثورية وتصفيتها فى دارفور :



١ – وصف ادريس ديبى أزمة دارفور بانها ( نتاج المفاصلة بين قيادات الانقاذ ) حيث ذهب شق من القيادات مع البشير وآخر مع الترابي ،، وقال انه بعد المفاصلة استدعى ابناء الزغاوة الذين لهم صلة بالحركة الإسلامية :( د خليل ابراهيم ،، والطاهر حمدون ،، حسن برقو،، و جبريل ابراهيم ) ،، وطلب منهم ان ينضموا للبشير ،، وقال انهم لم ينصاعوا لنصائحه ،، باستثناء حسن برقو ،، وقال انه طرد الرافضين .



لقد حاول ادريس ديبى فى كلامه أعلاه ان يزور تاريخ السودان من اجل إرضاء نظام البشير ،، لان ازمة دارفور ليست نتاج المفاصلة بين الاسلاميين ،، وذلك حسب التوضيح التالى :-

أ – لقد تمرد الشهيد داوود يحي بولاد على الحركة الإسلامية الموحدة منذ بداية التسعينات ،، وتحالف مع الجيش الشعبى والحركة الشعبية ،، لان القضية هى ( التهميش ،، وفشل حكومات المركز بما فيها الانقاذ فى تحقيق التنمية المستدامة ،، والخدمات التعليمية والصحية والبيطرية .. الخ ) .

ب – العنصر الأساسي فى الثورة المسلحة منذ عام ٢٠٠٣ وحتى نهاية ٢٠٠٦ كان حركة التحرير الموحدة بقيادة عبدالواحد محمد نور ومنى اركو ،، وهؤلاء ،، ليست لهم اى علاقة بالحركة الإسلامية ،، وانشقاقها . فالثورة فى دارفور كانت ستقوم حتى ولو لم تنقسم الحركة الإسلامية .

وشاهدنا من هذا كله ،، ان ادريس ديبى كان معنيا بمخاطبة البشير بما يريد ان يسمعه البشير ،، وليس بالحقائق .



٢ – ونعود الى متابعة تلخيص حديث ديبى ،، قال : عندما قامت الثورة المسلحة فى دارفور ،، انه قام باستدعاء قيادات الثورة من ابناء الزغاوة ،، وطلب منهم إيقاف الثورة على نظام البشير ،، قال : حضر منى اركو ،، و عبدالله أبكر ،، ورفض د خليل ابراهيم الحضور ،، الا ان الذين حضروا ركبوا راسهم ،، وقالوا بما معناه : ان لديهم أجندة والتزامات قومية تتعلق بإزالة التهميش فى كل السودان ،، وقال انه طردهم لرفضهم لكلامه .



انظروا كيف يتدخل ادريس ديبى فى الشأن السودانى من منظور ضيق ( القبيلة) ،، فى محاولة منه لتقزيم دور ابناء القبيلة ( الزغاوة) ،، فى ( السودان) ،، الوطن المستقل تماماً عن تشاد ،، ليكون همهم فى إطار سقوف القبيلة ،، من اجل ان يبقى ادريس ديبى فى كرسي الحكم فى تشاد لان لديه قناعة بانه مادام الزغاوة يحكمون تشاد ،، فلا يجوز لاى زغاوي آخر ان يتطلع لحكم السودان او دارفور .



٣ – أدلى ادريس ديبي باعترافات خطيرا عن تدخلاته السافرة ،، الماضية والقادمة ،، فى الشأن السودانى ،، ألخصها فى الفقرات التالية ثم أعلق عليها سويا للارتباط الغير قابل للانفصام :

أ – قال فى حوالى عام ٢٠٠٤ حاول القضاء على حركة التحرير ،، لكن الجيش التشادى رفض تنفيذ الأوامر ،، كما ان ( والدته رحمها الله) ،، قد رفضت هذه الفكرة تماما ،، وعلى حد قوله ،، وقفت والدته كالخنجر المسموم على ظهره .

ب – و أخطر ما ورد فى كلام ديبى هو الاتى : قال بالحرف :( فانا لا اسمح لاى شرذمة تسمى نفسها بمعارضة ضد الحكومة السودانية ،، وتتخذ من مناطق دارفور نقطة انطلاق ،، لتحقيق أجندتها الذاتية ،،على حساب أهلي ،، فى بلدى الثانى دارفور،، بعد هذا الموتمر إطلاقا) .

ج – قال انه سينمى مناطق دار زغاوة .



فى تحليل اعترافات ديبى الدالة على استهدافه للجبهة الثورية،، نيابة عن الخرطوم :-



اولا : يعترف ادريس ديبي بانه حاول عام ٢٠٠٤ القضاء على حركة التحرير ،، ولم التحرير فقط ؟ الإجابة لان حركة العدل والمساواة فى ذلك الوقت لم تكن الشغل الشاغل للمؤتمر الوطنى ،، ولم يدر فى خلد البشير ان حركة العدل والمساواة سيكون لها شان أصلا فى المستقبل ،، وهذا ما يؤكد ما ذهبنا اليه من ان الثورة المسلحة فى دارفور لا علاقة لها بانقسام الاسلاميين ،، كما سبق البيان .

يقر ادريس ديبى بان جيشه رفض تنفيذ أوامره ،، وانا بهنيء جيشه لانه محترف ،، ويعرف حدود القانون ،، وحدود اختصاصه كجيش وطنى مطالب بتأمين حدود الوطن التشادي ،، والقانون الدولى لا يسمح له بالتدخل فى شان دولة اخرى ،، او الدخول فى أراضيها الا فى حدود الدفاع عن النفس ،، و بالقدر اللازم للدفاع عن النفس . يضاف الى ذلك ان تدخل الجيش التشادي فى اى مهمة خارجية ،، ولو بقرار من مجلس الامن هو تدخل غير مرغوب فيه خاصة عندما تكون الدولة جارة مثل السودان ،، لان مثل هذا التدخل فى النزاع الداخلى بين البشير وشعبه ستكون له عواقب أنية ومستقبلية ،، وقد رأينا كيف ان تدخل القوات التشادية فى دولة مالى قد جر مصائب لها ما بعدها على الدولة التشادية من قبل الحركات الإسلامية فى ليبيا والسودان وغيرهما ،، وسوف تنتقم هذه الحركات يوما من ادريس ديبي ومن الجيش التشادي ،، ولن يهدأ بال عمر البشير ،، والحركات الإسلامية الأصولية الا بعد الانتقام من ادريس ديبي بسبب مشاركته فى اسقاط الإمارة الإسلامية فى مالى .

وقد كانت ام ادريس ديبي – رحمها الله – حصيفة حين منعته من التدخل فيما لا يعنيه لإبادة جيش حركة التحرير نيابة عن عمر البشير ،، والإبادة لن تتوقف على جيش التحرير ،، وانما كانت ستشمل المدنيين ،، فلو لا سماع ديبى لنصيحة جيشه ونصيحة والدته لكان مطلوبا بالاشتراك مع عمر البشير امام المحكمة الجنائية الدولية . هذا ،، وسوف أعود لهذا الموضوع عندما أتحدث عن موضوع ذى صلة تحت عنوان : ( لن نقاتل ادريس ديبي)



ثانيا – اعلن ادريس امام الملأ انه لن يسمح باى معارضة للحكومة السودانية تنطلق من دارفور ،، ( دى المعوجة يادبى) ،، فى سنة ٢٠١٠ وقع ديبي مع البشير اتفاقا ينص على عدم السماح لقيادات العدل والمساواة ( بعبور ) الاراضى التشادية فى طريقها لدارفور ،، قبلنا هذا الكلام ،، وقلنا تشاد دولة حرة فى أرضها ،، ولها السيادة الكاملة على أراضى دولة تشاد ،، اما ان يعلن ادريس ديبى بانه ( لا يسمح لاى معارضة سودانية ،، للحكومة السودانية ،، داخل الاراضى السودانية ،) ،، فهذا هو عين المحظور ،، وهذا هو التدخل السافر فى شؤون الغير ،، وهو ما يحظره القانون الدولى ،، وتعرفه حتى ام ادريس ديبي بفطرتها السليمة .



ثالثا – والكلام الذى هو عين النكتة ،، ومدعاة للسخرية ،، هو قول ادريس ديبي انه سيقوم بتنمية مناطق دار زغاوة . المعنى انه يستخدم سياسة الجزرة والعصا . فالسيد ادريس ديبي يتعامل مع دارفور كما تتعامل امريكا مع كوبا والمكسيك وبقية دول الموز ( كحديقة خلفية) ،، يعرض على أهلها الجزرة والعصا !!!

ان قيادات دارفور المنضوية تحت راية الجبهة الثورية لديها هم وطنى كبير يتعلق بالسودان كله ،، أكبر من الهموم الصغيرة المتعلقة بالقبيلة . اننا نعترف ،، ونفر بان الثورة المسلحة فى دارفور تركت آثارا سالبة ليس على قبيلة الزغاوة وحدها ،، وانما على قبائل الفور والمساليت التى تعرضت للإبادة الجماعية والتطهير العرقى ،، كما وقعت اثار الحرب على ( كل إقليم دارفور ) ،، لانه بسبب الحرب توقفت التنمية والخدمات التعليمية والصحية ،، وهذا هو ثمن ( الثورة) ،، وقد دفعت كل الدول العظيمة مثل هذا الثمن ،، ثم حققت وحدتها ،، وأقامت دولة المواطنة ،، والعدل والمساواة .



لن نقاتل جيش ادريس ديبي ( الا دفاعا عن النفس) ،، وسوف نستدرجه للخرطوم:



قبل ان أجيب على السؤال لماذا لن نقاتل ادريس ديبي سأورد واقعيين جوهريتين:-

الأولى سبقت الإشارة إليها وهى اعتراف ادريس ديبي ان الجيش التشادي رفض تنفيذ أوامره بالقضاء على حركتًي التحرير ،، و العدل والمساواة عام ٢٠٠٤ .

الثانية هى اعتراف ادريس ديبي بانه قال لدكتور خليل عام ٢٠١٠ بعد توقيع الاتفاق الاطارى فى انجمينا مع د غازي اذا ذهبت للدوحة لتوقيع الاتفاق هناك فلا ترجع الى انجمينا ،، وبالرغم تحذير ادريس ديبي رجع د خليل الى انجمينا ،،وانقل بيت القصيد من الواقعة الجوهرية الثانية من المقال رقم (٣) للأستاذ موس يعقوب جار النبي بعنوان : ( جريمة ابناء الزغاوة بالمؤتمر الوطنى ،، ومأساة أهلهم بين سندان البشير ومطرقة ادريس ديبي ( ٣-٥) ) ،، حيث قال ما يلى : وأدلى الرئيس بهذا الخصوص معلومة ربما لأول مرة يصرح بها ،، وهى ان د خليل ( لم يأت من تلقاء نفسه فقط ،، فهناك بعض المسؤولين بالدولة قالوا له تعال ،، وسيبك من كلام ادريس ،، ( ادريس البلد ما حقو براه) ،، وهؤلاء الناس ليسوا ببعديين عنكم ،، هؤلاء الجالسين أمامكم ،، أشار الى الجنرالات الموجودين فى القاعة ) انتهى الاقتباس .



لن نقاتل جيش ادريس ديبي للأسباب التالية :

١ – ادريس ديبي لن ينزل بنفسه الى دارفور لمقاتلة الحركات الدارفورية ،، و انما سيرسل جيشه ،، وانا اسأل القراء : باى منطق نقاتل جيش ادريس ديبي الذى رفض تنفيذ أوامر القائد الأعلى ورئيس الجمهورية ،، المتعلقة بالحركات الدارفورية والواردة على لسانه ،، وباعترافه ،، و ما خفى اعظم ،، وانا فى هذا المقام بحى اشقاءنا فى دولة تشاد ،، وبعبر عن محبتى ومعزتى للشعب التشادي ،، وبحى الجيش التشادي الذى يحترم القانون الدولى ،، والقانون التشادي ،، ويتحرك فقط طبقا لصلاحياته الدستورية وفى نطاق الدولة التشادية ،، ولا يتحرك خارجها الا بتفويض رسمى طبقا للقانون الدولى .



٢ – لن نقاتل الجيش التشادي حتى اذا جاء مكرها من رئيسه ادريس ديبي ( الا فى حالة الدفاع عن النفس) ،، لان الجيش التشادي ليس عدونا ،، ولن نحقق للمؤتمر الوطنى اهدافه ،، لماذا نقاتل اشقاءنا لمصلحة عمر البشير؟؟!! وعلى صلة بالموضوع ،، اننا نلتزم بوصية والدة ادريس ديبي ،، رحمها الله ،، ونعتبر نصيحتها لابنها ادريس بعدم القضاء على حركتى التحرير والعدل والمساواة عام ٢٠٠٤ وصية ملزمة لنا ،، فنحن جميعا أولادها ،، ونصيحتها الذهبية ملزمة لنا ،، حية او ميتة .



٣ – ان تدخل جيش ادريس ديبي فى دارفور للقضاء على الحركات المسلحة ،، اذا حدث ولو بطلب خطى من عمر البشير ،، يعتبر خرقا خطيرا للقانون الدولى ،، لان هذا الإجراء سيؤدى الى زيادة العنف فى دارفور ،، و يهدد المدنيين ،، وسوف يقود الى إبادة جديدة فى دارفور لان الحكومة ستعود الى استخدام سلاح الجو ،، وطائرات الانتينوف . والمجتمع الدولى ،، والاتحاد الافريقى لن يصمت على مثل هذه الجريمة ،، خاصة وان ملف دارفور أصلا معروض امام مجلس الامن ،، فضلا عن الحركات الدافورية لها حضور كبير فى امريكا واستراليا ،، وبريطانيا ،، وفرنسا ، وبقية دول الاتحاد الأوروبي ،، وسوف تقوم بالتظاهر امام السفارات التشادية ،، بل ستقوم المظاهرات حتى فى الخرطوم ضد التدخل التشادي الغاشم ،، علما بان الجبهة الثورية ،، بعد ثورة سبتمبر التى بدأت من نيالا،، أصبحت أمل كل الأمة السودانية فى الخلاص من نظام الانقاذ المتهالك . وسوف توجه الجبهة الثورية نداءا لجماهيرها وقواعدها فى العاصمة للخروج للتظاهر ضد التدخل الأجنبي ،، باختصار ،، ملف دارفور له أنصار فى كل أنحاء العالم ،، ولن يستطيع ادريس ديبي مواجهة الشعب السودانى ،، والمجتمع الإقليمي و الدولى .



٤ – اذا أصر ادريس ديبي على إرسال جيشه لمقاتلة الحركات الدارفورية المسلحة المنضوية تحت الجبهة الثورية لن نقاتله ،، وسوف نتفاداه ،، ونستدرجه تجاه الخرطوم ،، لعلمنا ان نظام الخرطوم لن يسمح لجيش ادريس ديبي (ان يقرب على الخرطوم ،) ،، لانه لا يثق فى ادريس ديبي ،، وان وثق فيه ،، فهو لا يثق فى الجيش التشادي / الزغاوى حسب اعتقاد البشير ،، وسيقول البشير : الزغاوة ديل سيتامرون على ،، ويدخلون الخرطوم سويا لإسقاط النظام . وسوف تكفينا ظنون البشير السيئة عن مواجهة اشقاينا فى الجيش التشادي .

ابوبكر القاضى

كاردف / ويلز

٦ نوفمبر ٢٠١٣

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الخرطوم- وفقا لتقرير «فريدوم هاوس» الذي أعد مع «حركة قرفنا» السودانية. يعتبر الصحفيون ونشطاء الإنترنت في السودان تغيير حسابات فيسبوك والبريد الإلكتروني الخاصة بهم أمرا عاديا.



كما يقوم العديد منهم بتبادل الرسائل من خلال حساباتهم، مؤكدين أنهم تعرضوا لمحاولات قرصنة بعضها فاشل وبعضها الآخر ناجح».



وعندما بدأت حركة الاحتجاج في السودان تستخدم الإنترنت لنشر المعلومات والخطط المتعلقة بالمظاهرات والاعتصامات، عمد «عملاء الحكومة إلى قرصنة المواقع التابعة للمعارضين.



وقاموا أيضا بوضع صور إباحية على مواقع فيسبوك، ليبلغوا فيما بعد الجهة الإدارية للفيسبوك عن وجود محتويات محظورة تخالف قواعد الاستخدام.



وأصبح عملاء الحكومة (مجاهدو الإنترنت كما يسمون أنفسهم) أكثر مهارة حيث تلقوا تدريبات في الهند وماليزيا كما ذكرت حركة «قرفنا» في تقرير حرية الإنترنت.



و»مجاهدو الإنترنت» الذين يطلق عليهم أحيانا «وحدة المقاومة الإلكترونية» إلى جانب أسماء أخرى يتواجدون في الجامعة ويقومون بإنشاء حسابات بأسماء وصور فتيات يستخدمونها للتشكيك في المعلومات التي تنشر أو لإضافة النشطاء ليتمكنوا من الوصول إلى صفحاتهم.



يقول الطالب شريف ديا الذي ينشط على الإنترنت إنه بدأ يتعرض للمضايقة قبل أشهر قليلة عندما لم يعد بإمكانه الدخول إلى حسابه على موقع فيسبوك.



ويضيف «وبعدها وضعوا صورة الرئيس كصورة لملفي الشخصي. وقتها اكتشفت أن حسابي تعرض للقرصنة».



بعد ذلك، تم استخدام حساب ديا لنشر تعليقات مهينة ضد شخصيات سياسية مختلفة وإرسال رسائل تحرش خاصة وخليعة لصديقاته.



ويتابع ديا «لحـــسن الحــظ تمكن صديق لي من استعادة حسابي وساعدني على تأمينه».



في 21 من أكتوبر/ تشرين الأول، كشف الصحفي السوداني الذي يعمل في قناة «العربية» خالد عويس أن حسابه تعرض «لمحاولة قرصنة فاشلة». كما ذكر خالد أحمد الذي يعمل في يومية «السوداني» أن بريده الإلكتروني تمت قرصنته وتم نشر مقال باسمه ما أدى إلى قيام القوات المسلحة بتقديم تهم خطيرة ضده.



الصحفية السودانية المقيمة في مصر سمية هندوسة تقول «تعرضت للقرصنة من خلال بريدي الإلكتروني حيث اخترقوه بعدما وجدوا العنوان مصاحب لمقال منشور على الإنترنت».



وتضيف إذا كان الأمر يتعلق بصحفية فيتم إرسال صور جنسية عبر بريدها الإلكتروني للضغط عليها حتى تلتزم الصمت.



تم اعتقال هندوسة في نوفمبر الماضي لمدة خمسة أيام، وأخضعت للاستجواب من قبل المسؤول عن وحدة «المدونات وأمن الإنترنت»، حسب قولها.



وتتابع هندوسة التي تم حلق رأسها خلال اعتقالها في نوفمبر/ تشرين الثاني 2012 إن «أحد رجال الأمن قال لي إنه تم الإبلاغ عن صفحتي على فيسبوك بعد أن نشرت صورة شخصية لي لا أرتدي الحجاب فيها وأنني إذا لم أتوقف عن نشر تلك الصور فسيجعلون رأسي أصلع».



العرب

A visit to South Sudan.

Bashir expected to visit South Sudan next week


October 16, 2013 (JUBA) - Sudanese President Omer Al-Bashir is expected for an official visit to South Sudan on 22 October, according to a senior South Sudan official.

The visit will be the third by the Bashir since South Sudan seceded from Sudan in 2011.

The visit will also come two weeks after the two countries signed an agreement allowing establishment of official entry crossing points on both sides of the border and committing to honour past pledges including releasing of prisoners of war.

Asked about the visit, a spokesperson for South Sudan’s ministry of foreign affairs said he had unofficially heard about it but said South Sudan had not yet received official communication from their counterparts in Khartoum.

"It [the visit ] remains a rumour. There is no official communication at the moment with the government of Sudan. The Sudanese embassy here says it sent to our official account a document about this information but we have not opened it because our system has been experiencing some technical issues for the whole of today", Ambassador Mawien Makol told Sudan Tribune on Wednesday.

However, Makol said contact with officials at South Sudan’s embassy in Khartoum indicate Bashir will likely visit South Sudan next week.

"The information we have from Khartoum shows that president Bashir is expected to visit Juba on 22 October, but it has not been officially confirmed", he further said.

Meanwhile, Eye Radio, a local radio station supported by the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) quoted Sudanese Information minister, Hamed Belal Osman confirming the visit, saying it is aimed at strengthening the relations between the two countries.

“I can say that we need the visits to continue in a natural manner. We want the visit to be normal because the two Presidents are brothers,’’ Eye Radio quoted minister Osman as saying.

According to Eye Radio, the minister said the Abyei referendum and demarcation of the border will likely be discussed by the two heads of state.

The Sudanese and South Sudanese presidents agreed last September during a summit held in Khartoum to fully implement the cooperation agreements signed in September 2012.

Abyei and some border zones remains the only unresolved issues between the two sides.

(ST)

INVESTMENT.

El Fasher, Success Story in Development Financing


El Fasher – Collection partnership pursued by North Darfur State, which found praise from the government and the neighboring states of Sudan as the best way to provide self revenue, enabled the state government to provide funding for 158 development and services projects in all the localities of the state, at amount of more than SDG 150 million, where the said projects were opened by the Assistant President of the Republic, Dr. Nafie Ali Nafie.

Minister of Finance, Economy and Civil Service in North Darfur, Dr. Abdu Dawood Suleiman said that money provided for the said projects was through the collection partnership. He stressed that these projects come in implementing of the three-year program, and commitments made by the state government in its electoral program in 2010, which includes the areas of water , health and education. The minister pointed to other projects that implemented by microfinance foundation, where more than 1,900 people in the state have benefited from them. He indicated to the importance of the living standard improvement projects that have been signed with a number of bodies. The minister stressed that the signing of agreements with some bodies is evidence of the success of the microfinance project. He said that the projects launched by the President's Assistant comes as a glimmer of hope , praising the efforts of development partners, Federal Ministry of Finance, a number of banks, Zakat Chamber and the Sudanese Initiative for Development .

North Darfur Governor, Osman Mohammed Yousef Kibir stressed that the completion of renaissance projects mark a milestone in the development. He pointed out that the federal government, Darfur Regional Authority, the state government, and donors can offer a lot of services in Darfur. He explained that the said inaugural program addresses development and basic services projects, such as, education, health and water.

Kibir pointed to the policy taken by the state to rely on own resources, pointing out that after the expansion of stability, security and peace, the government has developed a program of self-reliance and that administrative procedures package was taken, besides collection partnership project, which was the better in the Middle East, where revenues doubled dozens of times in the state. Kibir pointed to the financial cost paid by the state government in securing the city of El Fasher, beside provision of strategic stockpile of 60 thousand of sugar sacks, 60 thousand flour sacks and other consumer goods that meet the need of the state of food for several months. He stressed that the state has achieved a balance in all localities. Kibir pointed to measures taken by the state to address the effects that could arise as a result of the removal of fuel subsidies.

For his part, Dr. Nafie hailed the administrative and financial actions taken by the state on revenues increasing, calling to rely on their own resources by increasing the collection. He said that this achievement came due to solidarity of Darfur people. He stressed the need to conduct the economic reforms in the country to reduce spending, increase revenues and production and address the gap between imports and exports, reiterating the state's commitment to provide support to the vulnerable sectors. Nafie said that the new economic measures that the State intends to implement aim to reach a real stable economy, referring to the ongoing efforts and attempts carried out by the competent bodies in order to achieve economic, intellectual and cultural independence, despite Western conspiracies. He added that the most effective means taken by the Salvation Revolution was the implementation tripartite economic program. Nafie said that Sudan still pays the price of its ideological orientation, through the economic blockade imposed on it. He reviewed the major challenges facing Sudan by countries that do not want stability to the country. Nafie revealed that 99% of Sudan's budget comes from internal revenues and that the state does not rely on external support in its budgets, but by only 1%. He stressed that the state has used the oil in development and infrastructure projects. Dr. Nafie pointed to the negative effects that are expected to occur in the absence of the application of the new economic measures. He said that the global economy had been controlled by the Western countries, but it turned toward the eastern countries, which has no colonial ambitions.



By Al-Sammani Awadallah, 2 hours 7 seconds ago

END THE WAR GAME SOON!

There Were Many Reasons for Defecting from Jibreel Faction to Join Peace, Interview (2-2)

In the evening of April 2013, the leaders of Justice and Equality Movement (JEM) signed Doha Document for Peace in Darfur after a more than 4-month-long negotiations with government in Khartoum. The leaders of the movement opted for negotiations out of convictions that there was no alternative to stability in the region except pursuing path of negotiations and peaceful means, through which the two signed were eventually able to come to an agreement that would accommodate all. Shortly after inking the agreement, the leaders of the movement were ambushed while on their way to Khartoum by rebel Justice and Equality Movement – Jibreel. The chairmen of JEM and his deputy Arco lost their lives in the incident, while 28 other leaders are still being held in custody. Nevertheless, JEM, which is signatory to the Doha agreement, has continued to pursue the path of peace to arrive in Khartoum late March to carry through its obligations with the government, transcending the great loss of its prominent leaders in the aforementioned attack by rival rebel movements. To shed lights on the thorny road the movement has walked in pursuit of peace and stability in Darfur, Sudan Vision below interviews, Nahar Osman Nahar, JEM's head of a vanguard delegation to Khartoum.

Q: Do you expect to demand top ministries like foreign?

A: The names of ministries are not a problem. We will reach agreement with partners in the government on that because there are many positions where we can serve since we signed the important agreement. What matters is we work at ministry fully satisfied as well as our partners on the other side. So far we have not settled on any ministerial portfolio, but we work where we can achieve something.

Q: What were contents and outcomes of your meetings with the government since your arrival in Khartoum? Who have you met?

A: We have held and still holding a number of meetings. We met with the Minister for Justice, Mohamed Bushara Dosa, ministers at Darfur Peace Bureau, the National Assembly, and National Unity Government Council. Meetings with many other ministers will continue to pave the way for the arrival of the Chairman of the movement and working for translating the agreement into actions; including discussing details and timetables. We regard all of our meetings positive and fruitful. Our visits were not exclusive to the governmental side, but we maintained communications with a number of Sudanese parties, civil society organizations, and national figures.

Q: When will your presidential delegation headed by the chairman of the movement, Dabajo arrive?

A: There are always new developments in politics at any moment; especially the chairman of the movement is currently present in the field undertaking his function, most lately retrieval of a vehicle belonging to the armed forces from outlaws. Generally, there are a number of points, which may expedite his arrival such as the general pardon granted to the forces of the movement in custody. A list including a great deal of political prisoners in Sudan was submitted.

Q: On what charges were those leaders thrown behind the bars? Were some of them accused of involvement in Omdurman attacks?

A: Part of was do with Omdurman incidents, while the other part was related to battles against the government. Some prisoners were charged with taking part in activities supporting Justice and Equality Movement against the government. A list containing their names was submitted as important preliminary step, which may accelerate the arrival of the chairman of the movement in Khartoum. He is expected to arrive within two weeks after progress was reached in some files, particularly general pardon.

Q: Does your visit to Darfur depend on their arrival in Khartoum?

A: Part of vanguard delegation will go Darfur to prepare for the arrival of chairman, who will tour Darfur states after his visit to Khartoum.

Q: Aren't concerned about his safety that he might be attacked by non-signatory movements?

A: What happened in the past was a group of armless persons assassinated in cold blood. They would have not be attacked should we had army; simply it is very easy to target the unarmed even in Khartoum. It was not a military battle at first place. What happen was a stab in the back and treachery.

Q: Would you please acquaint us with what happened exactly regarding the assassination key figures in your movement?

A: The incident could better be described as "awkward act", carried out in neighboring Chad in a bid to abort peaceful process in Darfur. A number of leaders were assassinated while some others were held in custody. We view such appalling attack as sacrifice for peace. We will stay the course for peace and follow their footsteps toward bringing peace to Darfur. We will never let their blood go in vain. We will continue to walk the same path until peace becomes a tangible reality on the ground.

Q: What efforts the movement has taken to liberate the detainees? Do you know their whereabouts?

A: Of course, according to our reliable source, we have accurate information about their whereabouts. Also, the movement has contacts with local, regional and international human rights organizations like the ICRC; in addition to communication with members of the Security Council, UNAMID. We levied a number of lawsuits at the level of Sudan with Darfur Crimes Tribunal. Furthermore, we are making additional efforts, which are off-record. We assure the families of the detainees, despite our reservation about the term "detainee" because detention is a result of a military battle, but what took place on that day was not a battle. Our losses were hostages not detainees. I am convinced that our efforts will yield fruits in releasing them through political, legal efforts, or else we will be compelled to set them free militarily.

Q: Are sure that all detainees are alive?

A: Of course, according to our information, the 28 detainees are still alive, but they are being treated indecently and harassment such as depriving them of food and calling their families.

Q: In case political efforts failed, would the movement resort to force to release them?

A: Our hostage brothers were taken away by force. We chased the kidnappers close to borders with South Sudan. We are prepared to engage in war with this terrorist group to free our hostages. This is a red line, and will not tolerate detention of signatories to peace endlessly. All remain options on the table.

Q: Do think that the government is required to demonstrate further goodwill in order to encourage the armed movement to join the peaceful process?

A: Certainly. For severally reasons including the Doha agreement should be more flexible. We believe that drafting good terms is crucial to peace – the reason why we signed the agreement. I expect more movements with sign it provided that some items related to those movements are taken into account and added as appendix. In this situation, the government can make the document desirable to groups willing to join it.

Q: Do you think that there are international forces preventing parties willing to join the Doha deal, especially the Darfur issue is being capitalized by exploiters.





A: many states that are in bad terms with the government are seeking to exploit the movements in their conflict with the government. When we were taking up arms against the government, we had the backing of the government of the slain leader Muamar Gaddafi and South Sudan. Some movements benefited from such situation materially, which is common in international politics.

Q: For how long will hear about continuous splintering within Darfur factions to join Doha negotiations in a new name, considering that signatory movements have now reached 20 factions?

A: The government has to be blamed for dividing these movements in the beginning in a bid to undermine them, but such strategy proved failure later. Movements carrying weight in Darfur don't exceed five movements including Justice and Equality Movement.

Q: Absence of security constitutes a major threat to peace in Darfur despite allocation of huge mounts of money earmarked for development. What is your message to movements mainly fighting for abolishing development projects in favor of the people of the region?

A: We, in Justice and Equality Movement, believe that peace is crucial to the return of the internally displaced persons (IDPs) to their homes of origin. We are working to restore security and order in regions of our control as well as contributing to restoring security in adjacent areas. We are working for that end in partnership with the government so that overall security prevails and developmental programs kick off, only then the refugees will voluntarily go back to their former homes.

Q: What do make the work of Darfur Crimes Attorney General?

A: We, in the agreement, called for not authorizing any tribunal in Darfur, save for Darfur Criminal Tribunal. Demanded all previously existing courts abolished; in addition setting up special police force to protect the Attorney, while UNAMID should oversee his work to assess performance. If that achieved, all results will be satisfactory to all parties. If the tribunal pursued fair justice course, many crimes committed in Darfur will be settled and justice will be administered for victims.

Q: Are you optimistic about peace in Darfur any sooner?

A: Peace can be achieved a step by step, which were started a long ago. We not claim that we are the only parties that will bring peace to Darfur, but we can reach that end when all join forces and demonstrate strong desire for stability and settlement across the region. Finally, I would like to stress that by signing the agreement we have taken the right political direction after a long consideration, we are seeking to transform into a political party when security arrangements are in place. Until then, we will gradually become a political body and will exercise politics in tandem with efforts to end the war by all means any ways. We have laid down our arms in full conviction of necessity for dialogue and involvement in building the country under mounting challenges our country is currently faced with. We have come to a conviction that democracy can only be reached through ballots.



By Hana Abdul Hai, 2 hours 21 minutes ago

BLUE NILE DELEMA OF WAR.

Please donate


IBAN IT 25E36000032000CA005733249 PayPal no. 5338 750161571072

Isam Abdalla Secretary of refugees Association Ethiopia.

Please donate to help Blue Nile state refgees only 5 dollars

IBAN IT 25E36000032000CA005733249 PayPal no. 5338 750161571072

Isam Abdalla Secretary of refugees Association

نرجوكم التبرع لمنكوبى ولاجئ حرب ولايه النيل الازرق رقم الحساب

بما تجودون به ٥دولارات الى ١٠٠ دولا



Food aid reaches Sudan’s Blue Nile state for first time in over a year, UN agency reports

4 April 2013 – In what the United Nations World Food Programme (WFP) is calling a “major breakthrough,” the first UN food rations have reached conflict-affected people in Sudan’s Blue Nile state since 2011, when the isolated rural area near the South Sudan border was cut off by insecurity and movement restrictions imposed by the Government.

“While we continue to strive for access to all areas, this is still a major breakthrough which will enable us to assist those who continue to be displaced by the conflict or those who have decided to return to their homes and are in dire need of food assistance,” said WFP’s Country Director in Sudan, Adnan Khan.

Fighting between the Sudanese armed forces and the rebel Sudan People’s Liberation Movement-North (SPLM-N) broke out in Blue Nile state in September 2011, after neighbouring South Sudan seceded under the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement that ended a decades-long civil war. The fighting in Blue Nile displaced and then isolated tens of thousands of people.

“We are giving a two-month ration for this first round of distribution, following an assessment which we carried out early last month in two of the areas most severely affected by the conflict, Geissan and Kurmuk,” said WFP Programme Officer Arduino Mangoni. He is in Geissan leading a team that monitors the distribution of food to 12,000 people. WFP plans to reach an additional 39,000 people in Kurmuk.

Additional WFP staff are in four other localities in Blue Nile state to determine how people are coping with their food needs, what food is available in the market and at what price.

“The overall plan is to assist all those we can reach in the six localities before the onset of the rainy season in May,” Mr. Khan said.

WFP has said it will need an additional $20.5 million to buy 17,000 metric tons of food it estimates will be needed.

Bashir confessed his crimes.

Bashir rende rara ammissione di "spargimento di sangue" e "ingiustizia" in Sudan




22 Luglio 2013, (KHARTOUM) - Il presidente sudanese Omer Hassan al-Bashir ha fornito una valutazione insolitamente candido della situazione nel suo paese esprimendo rammarico per la prevalenza di spargimento di sangue in Sudan e persino sembrava essere in possesso di se stesso personalmente responsabile.

"In che modo Dio risponde alle nostre preghiere quando siamo versare il sangue dei musulmani e il sangue di ogni altri '?" Bashir ha detto ai partecipanti ad una cena Iftar ospitato dal capo del Darfur Transitional Authority (DRA) al-Tijani al-Seisi nella sua casa di Khartoum.

"Sappiamo che la distruzione della Ka'ba [alla Mecca] è minore [a gravità], agli occhi di Dio che l'uccisione di un anima [umana]", ha aggiunto.

Il presidente sudanese ha sottolineato che le persone si puniti in questa vita per tutti i peccati che commettono tranne omicidio che ha il suo castigo salvato per il giorno del giudizio.

Il generale sudanese veterano, che ha governato il Sudan per 24 anni da un colpo di stato nel 1989, ha anche detto che l '"ingiustizia" che avvolge il paese ha provocato siccità e mancanza di pioggia.

"Come possiamo chiedere pietà [da Dio] quando le nostre mani sono coperte di sangue?" Chiese Bashir.

Ha poi affrontato la crescente tendenza di conflitti tribali in Darfur e ha esortato gli abitanti del Darfur presenti di alzare la mano e fare un giuramento sul loro desiderio di cercare la pace.

"Giuro e diciamo che siamo per la pace e contro la guerra .... Non vogliamo che nessuno dall'esterno ci suggerivano. Risolveremo i nostri problemi", ha detto il presidente sudanese.

Bashir ha detto che le ragioni per le uccisioni in Darfur non hanno nemmeno garantisce la macellazione di una pecora per non parlare di un essere umano e ha promesso che un prossimo una conferenza di riconciliazione tribale si presenti con soluzioni reali.

Le dichiarazioni di out-of-the-ordinarie per Bashir rappresentano una partenza forte dai suoi soliti discorsi infuocati in cui spesso colpisce un tono di sfida e minaccia ai suoi avversari e alle nazioni occidentali allo stesso modo che egli pretese sono al lavoro per rovesciare il suo regime.

In tutta la sua regola dei due decenni, Bashir è riuscito a resistere a una grande guerra civile con quello che oggi è indipendente del Sud Sudan, molteplici ribellioni che continuano fino ad oggi, le sanzioni degli Stati Uniti e più recentemente di una Corte penale internazionale (CPI) mandato di cattura relativo al fatto che egli orchestrato i crimini di guerra e genocidio in Darfur.

Il conflitto scoppiato nella grande regione occidentale del Darfur, nel 2003, quando i ribelli etnici africani insorsero contro Khartoum, lamentando discriminazioni da parte del governo dominato dagli arabi.

Khartoum ha risposto con una repressione militare, ed è accusato di scatenare milizie arabe conosciute dei Janjaweed, che hanno attaccato etnici africani villaggi, uccidendo, stuprando e saccheggiando residenti, secondo i rapporti delle Nazioni Unite.

Mentre il record di Khartoum diritti umani ha sempre disegnato condanna da Bashir, salito al potere nel suo brutale repressione del dissenso, il conflitto del Darfur ha creato un mal di testa per il governo sudanese che ha cercato senza sosta per etichettarlo come un manufatto e una crisi esagerata.

Bashir stesso ha negato con forza qualsiasi uccisioni di massa in Darfur e continuamente affermato che non più di 10.000 furono uccisi dalla violenza scoppiata una decina di anni fa e ha respinto la responsabilità delle morti.

L'ONU stima che 300.000 persone sono state uccise nel corso del conflitto del Darfur, mentre più di 2 milioni di civili sono stati sfollati.

Anche se la violenza in Darfur è venuta meno dalle sue vette 2003-2004 ha recentemente preso di nuovo tra l'esercito, ribelli e tribù rivali, spostando circa 300.000 persone dal gennaio di quest'anno.

(ST)



Bashir makes rare admission of "bloodshed" & "injustice" in Sudan

July 22, 2013, (KHARTOUM) - The Sudanese president Omer Hassan al-Bashir gave an unusually candid assessment of the situation in his country expressing regret over the prevalence of bloodshed in Sudan and even appeared to be holding himself personally responsible.

"How will god answer our prayers when we are shedding the blood of Muslims and each others’ blood?" Bashir told attendees at an Iftar dinner hosted by the head of the Darfur Transitional Authority (DRA) al-Tijani al-Seisi at his home in Khartoum.

"We know that the destruction of the Ka’aba [in Mecca] is lesser [in gravity] in the eyes of god than the killing of a [human] soul," he added.

The Sudanese president stressed that people get punished in this life for all sins they commit except murder which has its retribution saved for the day of judgment.

The veteran Sudanese general, who ruled Sudan for 24 years since staging a coup in 1989, also said that the "injustice" shrouding the country resulted in drought and lack of rain.

"How can we ask for mercy [from god] when our hands are covered in blood?" Bashir asked.

He then addressed the growing trend of tribal conflicts in Darfur and urged the Darfuris present to raise their hands and make an oath on their desire to seek peace.

"Swear and say we are for peace and against war….We do not want anyone from outside advising us. We will solve our own problems," the Sudanese president said.

Bashir said that reasons for the killings in Darfur do not even warrant slaughtering a sheep let alone a human being and vowed that an upcoming a tribal reconciliation conference will come up with real solutions.

The out-of-the-ordinary statements by Bashir represent a stark departure from his usual fiery speeches in which he often strikes a challenging and threatening tone to his opponents and to the western nations alike which he claims are working to topple his regime.

Throughout his two-decades rule, Bashir has managed to weather a major civil war with what is now independent South Sudan, multiple rebellions that continue till this very day, U.S. sanctions and most recently an International Criminal Court (ICC) arrest warrant alleging that he orchestrated war crimes and genocide in Darfur.

The conflict erupted in the large western region of Darfur in 2003, when ethnic African rebels rose up against Khartoum, complaining of discrimination by the Arab-dominated government.

Khartoum responded with a military crackdown, and it is accused of unleashing Arab militias known of Janjaweed, which have attacked ethnic African villages, killing, raping and looting residents, according to United Nations reports.

While Khartoum’s human rights record has always drawn condemnation since Bashir came to power over its brutal suppression of dissent, the Darfur conflict created a headache for the Sudanese government which has sought tirelessly to label it as a manufactured and an exaggerated crisis.

Bashir himself has vehemently denied any mass killings in Darfur and continuously asserted that no more than 10,000 were killed since the violence broke out a decade ago and rejected responsibility for the deaths.

The UN estimates that 300,000 people were killed in the course of the Darfur conflict while more than 2 million civilians were displaced.

Even though the violence in Darfur has ebbed from its 2003-2004 peaks it has recently picked up again between the army, rebels and rival tribes, displacing some 300,000 people since January of this year.

(ST)

In una fase proattiva Uganda Ordini SRF e ribelli del Darfur di partire Kampala - Scontri tribali freschi scoppiano in Darfur

In una fase proattiva Uganda Ordini SRF e ribelli del Darfur di partire Kampala


Kampala - Uganda governo ha ordinato SRF e leader dei ribelli del Darfur che risiedono a Kampala a lasciare la capitale al confine con le aree.

Fonti informate da SLM (Minnawi fazione) ha detto che l'intelligenza ugandese ha dato tre giorni per gli elementi del movimento di evacuare le abitazioni e altri luoghi concessi a gruppi armati sudanesi nei distretti Kampala.

Secondo le stesse fonti, le autorità ugandesi assegnato un comitato per assicurare il processo di evacuazione e la partenza degli elementi verso altri luoghi al di fuori della capitale.

Il passo è venuto come un passo proattivo fino all'arrivo di un pannello africano indagando denuncia del Sudan di sostegno finanziario dell'Uganda ai ribelli e dando loro rifugi sicuri.

Con Esclusivo, 11 ore e 40 minuti fa

Scontri tribali freschi scoppiano in Darfur


25 giugno 2013, (KHARTOUM) - Almeno nove persone sono state uccise e decine abbandonato le loro case quando la violenza scoppiata tra Al-GIMIR e Bani tribù Halba nella città di Katela in Sud Darfur.

La forza speciale che è stato schierato dal governo federale a Khartoum per creare una zona cuscinetto tra le due tribù si è ritirato a Edd al-Fursan località dopo lo scoppio di scontri.

Il portavoce di Al-GIMIR tribù, Abakar al-Tom, ha rilasciato un comunicato stampa accusando Bani Halba tribù di loro attaccando da tre direzioni, compresa Shateen, Buhairat, e Abu aree Garageer che si trovano 17 chilometri a ovest della sede di Katela località.

Ha detto che gli aggressori utilizzati 10 veicoli a quattro ruote così come motociclette e cavalli, indicando che il ritiro della forza speciale di Edd al-Fursan località aiutato gli assalitori.

Al-Tom inoltre rivelato che nove membri di Al-GIMIR tribù sono stati uccisi durante l'attacco e decine di case distrutte nella zona Shateen e accusato Bani Halba tribù di violare la tregua tra le due tribù quattro volte, che descrive la situazione della sicurezza nella zona come "fragile".

Scontri simili tra le due tribù hanno avuto luogo lo scorso mese lasciando decine di morti e feriti da entrambe le parti.

Scontri tribali hanno recentemente montato nella regione sudanese del Darfur.

Oltre 40 persone sono state uccise e circa 45 altre ferite in nuovi scontri tra Al-Salamat e tribù Misseriya in Central Darfur stato questa settimana.

Tensioni tribali NEL NORD KORDOFAN

Nel vicino stato del Nord Kordofan, tensioni tribali hanno montato tra il Kababeesh e Jabal tribù Hamra nella città di Sudari sullo sfondo di una disputa su un sito di esplorazione oro.

Un testimone oculare ha detto che uomini delle tribù hanno preso le armi in previsione di possibili scontri, dicendo che la città sta scivolando verso un nuovo conflitto tribale.

Un capo tribale e un parlamentare ha detto ai giornalisti ieri che le due tribù si stanno mobilitando i loro membri e ha invitato il governo a porre immediatamente fine alla escalation.

Venerdì scorso, il presidente sudanese Omer Hassan al-Bashir, ha messo in guardia contro i conflitti tribali in alcune zone del paese, notando che il Sudan sta affrontando sfide che necessitano di cooperazione di tutti i suoi abitanti.

"I conflitti tribali in una serie di aree del Sudan costituiscono la più grande minaccia per il paese", al-Bashir ha detto che quando si affronta una riunione del Consiglio della Shura della National Congress Party (NCP).

"Alcune persone all'interno delle tribù lavorano per istigare i conflitti", ha detto, mettendo in guardia contro il pericolo di tali mosse.

Nord Kordofan stato che fa parte del cuore commerciale del Sudan, è un hub per il paese gum industrie arabe agricoltura, allevamento e.

Lo Stato è stato testimone di disturbi di sicurezza quando i ribelli del Fronte rivoluzionario del Sudan (SRF) ha lanciato l'attacco a sorpresa contro la città di Um Rawaba.

(ST)

No comment.

Soldati ciadiani attraversano in Darfur voce alle posizioni dei ribelli: JEM




14 Mag 2013 (LONDRA) - Il movimento Giustizia e Uguaglianza (JEM) ha detto truppe del Ciad hanno attraversato il confine con il Darfur e ha avvertito il presidente Idriss Deby dalle conseguenze del suo coinvolgimento nel conflitto sudanese.



Soldati ciadiani reggono le loro armi come tifare accanto a carri armati e veicoli militari in vista della loro diffusione in Mali, il 30 gennaio 2013. (Foto Reuters / Alain Amontchi)

JEM portavoce Gibreel Adam Bilal ha detto Sudan Tribune che i soldati ciadiani hanno lasciato la loro base in Abéché il Lunedi e stanno ora dirigendo verso le posizioni dei combattenti JEM in Nord Darfur.

Egli ha invitato l'Unione Regno Missione nazione africana in Darfur (UNAMID), di tenere lontano queste truppe e costringerlo a tornare indietro in Ciad, avviso di conseguenze disastrose dovrebbe Ciad insistere nel continuare il suo approccio aggressivo.

"Se non lo fanno [ritirare] allora il Justice and Equality Movement è pronta a impegnarsi in una guerra con il Ciad, che complicare la sicurezza e la situazione umanitaria nel Darfur, più di quanto non lo sia già", dice Bilal.

Dopo l'uccisione del leader di una fazione dissidente Mohamed Bashar e il suo vice Suleiman Arko Domenica scorsa, il suo gruppo ha accusato JEM di attaccare il suo convoglio all'interno del territorio ciadiano. Ma i ribelli sudanesi hanno detto che si sono scontrati con le schegge all'interno Darfur.

Deby facilitato i colloqui di pace tra il gruppo dissidente e il governo sudanese. Le due parti hanno firmato un accordo di pace a Doha il 6 aprile.

D'altra parte, i rapporti tra il presidente del Ciad e JEM peggiorata da quando, tre anni fa, quando N'Djamena sbarrato l'ingresso di Khalil Ibrahim, nel maggio 2010, fine del leader del gruppo ribelle, e gli ha impedito di attraversare in Darfur.

Quando Ibrahim è stato ucciso nel dicembre 2011 dopo il suo ritorno dalla Libia diverse relazioni hanno speculato che i paesi stranieri sono stati coinvolti nel suo assassinio, ma JEM hanno rifiutato di accusare alcun lato.

Tuttavia, JEM portavoce ha accusato il Martedì il presidente del Ciad di prendere parte a questa operazione dicendo "Noi divulghiamo per la prima volta che Idriss Deby ha partecipato con il governo del Sudan e di altri partner regionali per l'assassinio del dottor Khalil".

Bilal ha aggiunto che hanno l'intelligenza che conferma che il presidente del Ciad progetta di assassinare i leader del Justice and Equality Movement e ha avvertito che sarà "tenere Idriss Deby responsabile per l'assassinio di uno dei leader del JEM nei prossimi giorni".

Il funzionario ribelle ulteriormente accusato Deby di essere coinvolti nei crimini di guerra commessi nella regione del Darfur, nel corso degli ultimi anni, sottolineando hanno testimonianze comprovanti questa accusa.

Egli ha inoltre promesso di lavorare con gli attivisti dei diritti umani per fornire tutte queste prove alla Corte penale internazionale.

Il presidente della Commissione dell'Unione Africana Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma ha condannato il Lunedi l'uccisione di Mohamed Bashar Chiamando come un "atto di codardia, volta a dissuadere l'attesa fuori gruppi in Darfur di partecipare al processo di pace."

JEM segretario politico, Suleiman Sandal, nel bilancio separato al Sudan Tribune sbattuto dichiarazioni Dlamini-Zuma dicendo che il corpo regionale doveva indagare sulle circostanze dell'incidente prima di rilasciare tali dichiarazioni "parziali".

Ha espresso JEM disponibilità a spiegare la sua posizione in merito alle condizioni di quest'ultimo.

Sandalo affermato che Bashar ei suoi combattenti tornarono dal Ciad dotata di veicoli e armi fornite dal presidente del Ciad per attaccarli.

Ha aggiunto che JEM combattenti respinsero un attacco portato dal gruppo scissionista all'interno del etrritory sudanese, insistendo sul fatto che Bashar e il suo vice sono stati uccisi durante gli scontri.

Per quanto riguarda gli altri membri del gruppo di Bashar che JEM detiene da Domenica, Sundal ha sottolineato che saranno giudicati da tribunali JEM.

"Non sono prigionieri di guerra, come si dice che sono membri del nostro movimento e saranno processati per tradimento e slealtà", ha aggiunto.

Sandalo sottolineato che i leader del gruppo scissionista erano stati arrestati in passato per aver tentato di assassinare il fondatore e il defunto leader Khalil Ibrahim, quando si era di essere in Libia, ma sono stati rilasciati dopo un perdono da parte del leader attuale Gibril Ibrahim.

(ST)

Darfur oh Darfur!!!

Darfur ex leader dei ribelli ucciso vicino zona di confine tra Sudan e Ciad


12 maggio 2013 (KHARTOUM) - Un ex ribelle del Darfur fazione annunciato di Domenica la morte del suo leader Mohamed Bashar e il suo vice Suleiman Arko dicendo che sono stati uccisi durante un attacco effettuato dal Movimento Giustizia e Uguaglianza (JEM), all'interno del territorio del Ciad vicino al confine con il Sudan.



Mohamed Bashar (ST)

Bashar, che è un leader di una fazione scissionista JEM, venne riacquistando Darfur dalla capitale del Ciad, prima di dirigersi verso Khartoum per avviare l'attuazione di un accordo di pace che ha firmato con il governo a Doha il 6 aprile.

Consigliere di Bashar, Nahar Osman, ha detto il Sudan Tribune dall'interno del territorio ciadiano nei pressi del luogo dell'incidente che oltre 30 veicoli ribelli hanno attaccato Bashar convoglio a Pamina, a 4 chilometri dalla frontiera comune tra i due paesi.

Ha aggiunto che Bashar e la sua delegazione non erano scortati da qualsiasi forza militare, solo un agente di sicurezza del Ciad lo accompagnava al confine con il Sudan.

Raggiunto per commentare queste accuse, JEM portavoce Gibreel Adam Bilal ha confermato le "scontri con gruppo Bashar", aggiungendo che i loro combattenti respinsero un attacco da parte del gruppo scissionista.

Bilal ha detto che le forze di Bashar attaccato una base del loro gruppo non lontano dal confine con il Ciad, ma un'altra forza di stazionamento in prossimità del luogo dell'attentato circondato gli assalitori e affrontato con loro.

Inoltre, JEM militare portavoce Badawi Musa Al-Sakin rilasciato una breve dichiarazione dicendo che il gruppo di Bashar sostenuto da ciadiani veicoli a quattro ruote e armi li ha attaccati all'interno di una zona che controllano in remoto Nord Darfur.

Sakin aggiunto che "disarmati" gli assalitori dalle loro armi e munizioni, ma non ha menzionato la morte del leader dissidente.

Nahar ha detto dieci persone sono state uccise durante l'attacco: "Abbiamo perso Bashar, Suleiman Arko e altri cinque membri sono stati uccisi anche un agente di sicurezza del Ciad e due guardiani di bestiame che si trovavano nei pressi del luogo dell'attentato.».

Arko è stato il vice presidente e ha guidato il team di negoziazione durante i colloqui di pace con il governo sudanese.

La sicurezza e di intelligence (Niss) hanno confermato in una dichiarazione rilasciata a Khartoum di Domenica l'uccisione dell'ex leader ribelle e il suo vice e il JEM accusati di voler rovesciare gli sforzi in corso per porre fine al conflitto di 10 anni.

La dichiarazione ha detto che i ribelli che hanno eseguito il "crimine terrorista" sono stati guidati da tre comandanti ribelli: Issa Al-Kuleib, Mahdi Hassab Allah, e Ibrahim Mahmoud.

Il governo del Ciad non ha ancora commentare l'accaduto.

Lo scorso aprile, JEM ha ucciso il vice comandante generale della fazione secessionista Saleh Moahmed Jarbo dopo gli scontri di due giorni nelle aree remote del Furawiyya nel Darfur settentrionale.

Nahar ha ribadito che il loro gruppo è impegnato nel processo di pace nonostante gli attacchi subiti dai loro ex compagni.

(ST)

AFRICAN POLITICAL AND SOCIAL PROBLEM.

Sudan Cautiously Welcomes Uganda Restriction on Terrorist groups


(KHARTOUM) – The Sudanese government has responded cautiously to a report carried by state media on Monday which claimed Uganda had banned anti-Khartoum rebels from meeting on its territory again.

Sudan’s official news agency SUNA quoted an informed source at the Ugandan external security apparatus as saying that rebel leaders were notified of the decision during a secret meeting.

Minni Minnawi and Abdel-Wahid Mohamed Nur, the leaders of two separate factions of the Sudan Liberation Movement – the SLM-MM and SLM-AW respectively, as well as Ayoub Mohamed of Darfur People’s Unity Movement were reportedly present at the meeting.

Sudanese foreign ministry spokesperson Abu-Bakr Al-Siddig Mohammed Al-Amin, expressed hope that the report is true, adding that Kampala has an obligation to refrain from backing rebel movements.

Al-Amin said that Uganda’s current chairmanship of the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region (ICGLR) and its membership in the African Union Peace and Security Council (AUPSC), as well as other international blocs, requires not only the banning of rebel groups from holding meetings but also denying them existence within Ugandan territory.

In 2011, the ICGR designated the Darfur rebel groups Justice and Equality Movement (JEM) and Sudan Liberation Movement (SLM) as negative forces that should be combated.

The Sudanese diplomat stressed that rebel meetings are held only to plan and prepare for acts of sabotage, aggression and targeting of civilians, noting the recent attacks by the Sudan Revolutionary Front (SRF) on areas in North and South Kordofan states.

“There is no objection on our part to establishing good and normal relations with Uganda. We have the desire and the will to do so and the Ugandan move [to ban rebel groups] serves in the same direction”, he said.



By ST, 1 day 12 hours ago

Sudan compiace Cautamente Uganda Restrizione sui gruppi terroristici

(KHARTOUM) - Il governo sudanese ha risposto con cautela a un servizio trasmesso dai media di Stato il Lunedi che ha rivendicato l'Uganda aveva vietato i ribelli anti-Khartoum di incontrare sul suo territorio nuovo.

Agenzia ufficiale SUNA del Sudan ha citato una fonte informata presso l'apparato di sicurezza esterna ugandese, come dire che i leader ribelli sono stati informati della decisione nel corso di un incontro segreto.

Minni Minnawi e Abdel-Wahid Mohamed Nur, i leader delle due fazioni distinte del Movimento di liberazione del Sudan - l'SLM-MM e rispettivamente SLM-AW, così come Mohamed Ayoub del Movimento dell'Unità Darfur popolare sarebbero stati presenti alla riunione.

Sudan del ministero degli Esteri portavoce Abu-Bakr Al-Siddig Mohammed Al-Amin, ha espresso la speranza che la relazione è vera, aggiungendo che Kampala ha l'obbligo di astenersi dal sostenere movimenti ribelli.

Al-Amin ha detto che l'attuale presidenza dell'Uganda della Conferenza internazionale sulla regione dei Grandi Laghi (ICGLR) e la sua appartenenza all'Unione africana del Consiglio di pace e sicurezza (AUPSC), così come altri blocchi internazionali, richiede non solo la messa al bando dei gruppi ribelli dal tenere riunioni, ma anche negando loro esistenza nel territorio ugandese.

Nel 2011, il ICGR designato il Darfur gruppi ribelli Movimento Giustizia e Uguaglianza (JEM) e il Movimento di liberazione del Sudan (SLM) come forze negative che dovrebbero essere combattute.

Il diplomatico sudanese ha sottolineato che le riunioni dei ribelli si tengono solo per pianificare e preparare per atti di sabotaggio, aggressione e colpire civili, prendendo atto dei recenti attacchi da parte del Fronte rivoluzionario del Sudan (SRF) in aree del Nord e del Sud Kordofan stati.

"Non vi è alcuna obiezione da parte nostra di stabilire buone e normali relazioni con l'Uganda. Abbiamo il desiderio e la volontà di farlo e la mossa ugandese [di vietare i gruppi ribelli] serve nella stessa direzione ", ha detto.



Con ST, 1 giorno 12 ore fa

Prima donna medico in Sudan.

Khalda Zahir of Almorada Village: SSA Newsletter, Volume 17, Issue 1 - 1997

The following article is about the life of one of Unity High School's most important students and is taken from the website of the University of Pennsylvannia, African Studies Center.



Khalda Zahir of Almorada Village

(Amir & Caron Zahir)



I would like to introduce some women from Almorada. In doing so, by no means do I intend to undermine the contributions of other women in Almorada, or in other urban and rural areas of Sudan. Or, to claim those women were the only ones who had some contributions that are worth mentioning. Rather, I am simply trying to share with you some of the untold stories of the area I love and grew up in, through the eyes of those selected group of women. One of the first women I will like to introduce to you, is Khalda Zahir. Most probably, I will share with you more information about Khalda than about the other women, because of the shared family history. Khalda was born in Almorada in January 8, 1926. She was the first born child of Fatima Ajab Arbab and Zahir Surour Elsadati. Of course, at the time having the first born to be a babygirl, or having girls in general, was not something that a lot of families would be proud of. Notably, that was due to the prevalent sexist attitude. However, since her birth, her father was so determined to provide her with whatever opportunities in order to assist her in reaching her potential. In order to understand Khalda's upbringing, I believe it is important to touch on some of her father's personal history.



The late Zahir Elsadati (Born, September 2, 1898 and died, November 28, 1981) was an army officer. He was born in Omdurman to a migrant family from Dar Foor in Western Sudan after they settled in the area during the Mahdia. Moreover, he was born in the same day that his father died in the Battle of Karary, and he was brought up by his mother. That was a very important factor in his life, as he developed a deep respect for women and their ability to achieve and survive as he learned from his mother. He joined the army in 1910 as a wald (boy) footsoldier and developed through the ranks. As he stated, he was kicked out of Omdurman Alameeria School, because he plotted with some classmates and beat up the arrogant Egyptian geography teacher. At the time, that was considered an act of mutiny against the newly established colonial authority, regardless of the age of the perpetuators. They were arrested immediately and taken to Alzabtia, or police station. The mufatish (Distirct officer) immediately deemed them unsuitable for formal education, and therefore, the army was the only place that would be able to "teach" them. In addition, shortly after he joined the army, Zahir lost his mother, the only immediate family he had left, after most of the family members died before her in the Mahdia wars.



Although, Zahir did not have any opportunity to ever complete his formal education, he was determined to seek knowledge in every source he could find at the time. So, reading was his major interest. In particular, he was fascinated with history and politics, and he actively got involved in it through the secret activities of the White Brigades Society during the 1920's. Further, that fascination with knowledge, led him to develop a very strong relationship with one of the first Sudanese historians, Shiekh Mohamed Abed Alrahim who became his mentor. Mohamed Abed Alrahim was one of the Kataba of Alkhalifa Abdullahi and he took it on himself to document the history of Sudan as he has seen it or heard it. Furthermore, he had a huge home library that was made available for knowledge seekers. He also published "Omdurman Magazine", which was later became the training ground for a lot of Sudanese writers, journalists, and poets, such as Altijanie Yousif Basheer.



The fact that Zahir was denied the opportunity to complete his formal education, was the driving force that later made education and knowledge as some of his core values in life. Also, in that early age, he has learned and developed a very strong sense of right and wrong, and the importance of being an independent thinker, and being able to live with the consequences of his decisions, regardless of the severity of those consequences. Those circumstances of Zahir's upbringing, shaped up his tough personality and his core values. He also, made sure to pass these strong values to his daughter Khalda.



At the time, educating women was a relatively a new phenomenon, and as we all remember the struggle of uncle Babiker Badrie in trying to bring this issue to the forefront. The only school for girls at the time in Almorada, was Mad'ra'sat Bes'mila (Miss Miller's Primary School for Girls. Currently Almorada Primary School For Girls, which is located directly in front of Dar Alryadh in Shari'a Almorada). So, after Khalda completed her primary education, her father send her to Elersal'lia Junior High School, which was run by the English Church. The building of that school is currently occupied by Altijany Almahie's Psychiatric Hospital in Shari'a Alarba'een near Alseen'ia (the roundabout that was donated to the city by Alhadie Mursal the prominent businessman in 1960). She finished her junior high school years in 1940. That was quite an achievement for a young woman at the time. Particularly, because most young women used to be forced to quit school to wait for the future groom. Or, if they had some support from their family, they would go into teaching, or nursing. However, Khalda expressed her interest in going to high school after she was encouraged by some of her teachers to do so. The only high school for women in Sudan at the time, was the Unity High School, which was a private school that was run by the church, and it was solely reserved for teaching banat Alkho'wajat (the daughters of the "foreigners" the British, and the other communities of people of Greek, Armenian, Italian, Syrian, or Lebanese background.)



At the time, her father was with his army battalion in Southern Sudan. Khalda secured the support of her mother and her younger brother Anwar; however, there was no one else from her immediate, or the extended family that would dare to give her support. Subsequently, she wrote a letter to her father expressing her desire to go to high school, requesting the school fees, and his support. This whole process took some time from start to finish. However, in the neighborhood, it was quite a fiasco, everybody was talking about the fact that Khalda was going to be educated with banat Alkho'wajat. Some of the people had meetings after meetings in Nadi Alzubat (The Officers Club) to discuss the matter, and some people even started joking about it by saying "ha ha ...Zahir awiz yitall' betto mufattisha (Zahir wants his daughter to become a district officer) which was unthinkable even for a Sudanese male at the time. Some even send letters to her father in the South in order to influence his decision. Some suggested that she should abandon her effort to continue her education, and she should instead be a teacher, because, according to them, she was bit fasie'ha jiddan (a very outspoken girl)?



However, after thinking about the whole issue, her father send back to Almorada two letters. The first letter was to Khalda commending her on her decision, and the second letter was to her uncle Mohamed Ajab instructing him to accompany Khalda to the Unity High School in Khartoum and register her for the coming year. Needless to say, Khalda's uncle Mohamed was not please. He, nevertheless, reluctantly signed the registration forms as her guardian, paving the way for Khalda to start the application process. It was not that easy because in the Unity High School at the time there was no Sudanese girl among the Students, and it seems that the administration was not in a hurry to grant the final acceptance. Luckly for Khalda, she received a very unusual support form Ahmed Yousif Hashim, the prominent Sudanese journalist, who was the editor of one of the newspapers at the time, alSudan alJadeed (The New Sudan). It happen around the same time that Khalda was struggling with this issue, Ahmed Yousif Hashim was writing a series of articles about women education in Sudan, or the lack there of, and he mentioned that there was only one high school for girls in Sudan which was the Unity High School, and it had no Sudanese girls among its students. Shortly after that, Khalda received the acceptance from the school administration to start her high school in the following year.



Khalda continued her high school years achieving very good grades. Moreover, that was particularly challenging because, during those high school years, her father was away in Alkafra and Alalameen fighting with the Allied Forces in World War II. So, Khalda as she was the first born, and her brother Anwar as the second born, had to share the parental responsibility of their other younger brothers and sisters. However, and to the astonishment of the school administration, Khalda graduated from high school with very high grades in 1946. Some people in the school administration did not believe a Sudanese girl could achieve such a high academic standard. With those good grades Khalda could have gone to any school she chose. Khalda expressed her interest in going to university and study medicine!! When she made her preference known, another battle started.



At the time, Gordon Memorial College, which was later became the University of Khartoum, was not for everyone from the Sudanese people, especially women. The first battle Khalda had to fight was to secure the support of her family, and her father was very quick to encourage her to continue on with her education. Her father had already returned back from the front and he was living in Almorada. So, other family members and the rest of the elders in the neighborhood, did not bother to fight him on his decision. The second battle was around securing acceptance form the college. To their credit, some of the progressive teachers in the Unity High School, used Khalda's performance and the good grades as a spearhead to lobby the college administration to grant her acceptance to Gordon Memorial College School of Medicine in 1946. In being accepted, Khalda became the first Sudanese woman to ever enter the college and the medical school. That acceptance came just in time, for her father had already made plans to send her to Egypt if she was denied addmittance to the Medical School. The other obstacle that Khalda had to face, was to be able to coup with the college's timetable, and hectic schedule (from seven in the morning to sometimes late at night). At the time, the school had no residence for its female students, and there was no kubrie (bridge) between Omdurman and Khartoum where the college was located. Quickly, her father arranged for her to live with his life time friend, alAmeera'lai Hassan alzin, and his wife Fatima Mohamed Abed Alrahim the daughter of his mentor who lived in the army islag (barracks) in Almog'ran. The arrangement was that she would live with them during the week days and would go home in weekend. With this arrangement Khalda simultaneously had a new family. That relationship between the two families continued strongly until today.



1946 was also a turning point in Khalda's personal history. In addition to starting college, she also became very active in the political and social life in Almorada. As an early sign of developing her feminist consciousness, Khalda and two of her friends from the neighborhood Fatima Talib and Mahasin Abed Alaal founded Jam'ee'yat alfata'yat althaqa'fia (the Women Cultural Society) in order to promote women education and helping to empower young women to enrich their social lives. Around the same time, she also met a close friend of her brother Anwar by the name of Osman Mahjoub the older brother of Abed Alkhlik Mahjoub. (Abdel Khaliq Mahjoub, it is to be remebered, was the former Secretary General of the Sudanese Communist Party, who was executed by Nimeri in July 28, 1971). Subsequently, Osman introduced her to Dr. Abed Alwahab Zin Alabdeen. Later, in the same year, Osman Mahjoub and Dr. Abed Alwahab recruited Khalda to become a member of the alharaka alSudania Lel-taharror alWatani (Sudanese Movement For the Liberation of Sudan), which later became alJebha alMo'adia LelEsti'mar (The Front Against Colonization FAC), and eventually became the Sudanese Communist Party. In doing so, Khalda became the first Sudanese female to ever join a modern political organization.



Khalda continued her political activities both in college and in the neighborhood. In 1948, and due to the mounting pressure from Mutamar alKheriejien (The Graduates Congress), the colonial authority introduced the idea of establishing a Sudanese Legislative Assembly in order to ease that pressure; however, they reserved the right to appoint its members. A political battle started right away between the supporters and people who where against the colonial idea. alJebha alMo'adia LelEsti'mar (FAC) led that political battle, and that what is known now in history books as the "battle of the legislative Assembly". Nadi alKheriejien in Omdurman, became the battle ground, and a series of ndawat (workshops, forums, or meetings) were arranged. The party announced that it was going to introduce Khalda as one of key speakers against the colonial idea of the Legislative Assembly in one of the nadawat. At the time, the idea of having women attending a political forum was very unusual, and particularly having a rather young man as a speaker, was even stranger.



Everybody was very curious, and in the day of the nadwa, a large crowed had assembled in Nadi alKheriejien in a very hot afternoon. Although, a lot of people were skeptical, Khalda delivered a fiery speech that made the crowed shout slogans against the colonial authority. As consequence, Khalda was arrested immediately by the police, and she was taken from there to alzabttia (The Police Precinct), and that was her first arrest. Moreover, that was the first time ever for the Police to arrest a Sudanese woman for her political views. The news of her arrest travelled very fast in all Omdurman, and people started talking loudly about the fact that the Police arrested a "woman" for talking against the colonial authority. At the time, her father was in Bayt Itleet Prison Camp near Tel Aviv in Palestine, after he was taken as a prisoner of war in the War of 1948. So, her uncle Osman Mutwallie met with the Police to negotiate bail. For fear of public outcry, the Police was very quick to grant her bail that same night.



The second arrest was in 1950 during a student demonstration in the college campus. This time, her uncle made it very clear that she had to graduate first, before resuming any political activities. Indeed, for Khalda it was easy said than done. However, she managed to graduate from medical school in 1952, as the first Sudanese female medial doctor. 1952, was also another turning point in Khalda's personal life, as her long time friend and comrade Osman Mahjoub proposed to her. Again, that marriage proposal started another battle for Khalda; however, this time it had a very strong racial overtone. Osman Mahjoub's family were from the Shay'gee'ya tribe, and as I have stated earlier, Omdurman was sharply divided among racial lines. So, people from both families were dead against that proposed marriage. Large number of her family were against it because Osman was Shay'gee, and they wanted her to marry an officer or at least a son of an officer, preferably from the neighborhood, not a teacher like Osman. Whil Osman's family were against the marriage because, Khalda was Foora'wia sakit (a person from western Sudan and did not live up to their standards). Everybody had his or her agenda, and it would appear that there was no consideration at all for the feelings of the young couple. Again, her father who had a deep respect for Mahjoub Osman, the groom's father, met with Mahjoub and finalized the wedding plans, regardless of all of the opposition from members of the two families. None of Khalda's uncles attended the wedding, and a large number of Osman's family did not either, and also boycotted his father and his immediate family for years to come.



In 1952 Mahasin Abed Alaal, Fatima Talib and Khalda, recognized the need of establishing an umbrella organization to unite and promote women issues. Subsequently, they founded alEtihaad alNisaa'i alSudani (The Sudanese Women's Union), and Khalda was elected as the first president. Up to that time, for Khalda, it seemed that every single step she had taken in her life, such as what a lot of people take for granted today, was a major battle. She started her career as medical doctor after finishing her residency between Omdurman and Khartoum General Hospitals. In 1954, the young couple were transferred to Baher Algazal Province in Southern Sudan. Osman as a teacher in the newly established Rombaik High School, and Khalda as Medical Inspector for the province, responsible for supervising the medical assistants in all of the villages and the urban centers in the province.



Shortly after that Khalda and Osman started their new family; however, she continued to work while raising her young children. Through the years, and as a career woman, she had to deal with the pressures and the demands of the job, the sexist attitude of some of her colleagues, as well as, the demands of her large family (a father, a mother, a step mother, nine sisters and nine brothers). Also, the demands of her political and social activities, such as meetings, beyoot bekyat (funerals), sma'yat (celebration for newborn babies), and other social engagements. Visiting sick people in the neighborhood, in their homes, or in hospitals, was an expectation, simply because she was aldictora bet alhilla (the doctor from the neighborhood). Notwithstanding all of that, she never complained. As a matter of fact, she saw that as her duty to do. Khalda continued to work in the Sudanese Ministry of Health, refusing all other generous offers and lucrative jobs she has received from international and regional health organizations. In the mid 1970s she assisted in the establishment of Mujamma' Sihhat alAtfaal (Children's Community Health Center in Omdurman). It was located in an old building that used to be occupied by the administration of her old junior high school, alErsalia in the corner of Shari'a Alarba'een and Shari'a Alurda in Omdurman. Her last post she was the department head of Pediatrics with the Sudanese Ministry of Health. Khalda retired in the mid 1980's. She has four children (Ahmed, Khlid, Mariam, and Suad). Currently, she lives between England, Cairo and Sudan.

SLM HA PROBLEMI MA MOLTO GRAVE!

Scomparso Advisor (Abdul Wahed Mohamed al-Nur) con milioni di dollari




2013/04/23 09:24

Secondo le fonti, Ahmed Mohammadein il consigliere speciale del presidente del Sudan Liberation Movement (SLM) Abdel Wahid Mohammed Nur detiene la cittadinanza canadese e il padrino del suo rapporto con Israele, sequestrato milioni di dollari dai fondi del movimento e scomparve per qualche tempo, rendendo il movimento alla ricerca di fondi per condurre sua affare urgenti. Nello stesso contesto, la fonte ha confermato a Kampala fare arresti per conto di Abdel Wahed nei ranghi dei membri del suo movimento a Kampala incluso segretario generale Salah al-Din Adam «Tour» famoso piombo bontà e informazioni ufficiali movimento Mostafa Mohammad Ahmadi famoso b «Mustafa Auko» Messaggio Consigliere militare Mosè Mornay, ha detto fonte Abdel Wahed e si riferisce a informazioni che si muove mirava a rovesciare lui, la fonte ha riferito che gli arresti sono stati effettuati dai membri della intelligenza ugandese.



giornale Alintibaha

7.000 espulsi del Arabia Saudita.

Sudanese deportati da Arabia Saudita .. Che cosa hanno detto circa i motivi di espulsione?




2013/03/27 12:11



Ultime notizie deportazione «7» migliaia di sudanesi provenienti da Arabia Saudita, che ha individuato per «stampa» reazioni di mercoledì scorso a livello interno che esterno, in mezzo a domande sulle vere ragioni che hanno spinto le autorità saudite competenti di espellere un numero così elevato in quattro mesi, all'interno della deportazione «200 »mila arrivi in contrasto con norme di varie nazionalità, tra cui anche« 15 »mila etiopi.

«Stampa» da «con immigrati ascoltato le dichiarazioni di alcuni dei deportati prima di partire per il Sudan.



Testimonianza anche ricevuto dal vice capo della missione in Ambasciatore Riad vicino a Dio per le ripercussioni migrare verdi conflitto sudanese con l'istituzione di Arabia Saudita, insieme con le condizioni dei prigionieri sudanesi nella capitale Riyadh.



La quaglia Alblolh che è arrivato in Arabia Saudita meno di un anno Amra visto, ha lavorato in questo periodo in «auto Rottamazione» a Jeddah con suo cugino, che vive sotto la «pressione» non godendo soggiorno regolare, e disse: «Ho pensato più volte di lasciare L'Arabia Saudita è che le condizioni della mia famiglia mi ha costretto a rimanere.



E per quanto riguarda le circostanze della sua deportazione aggiunto: «fuori dal luogo di lavoro, il che significa strada bin Laden a Jeddah di visitare un parente, Vsadftna pattuglia di sicurezza, e mi ha chiesto di mettere in evidenza la residenza, e quando mostra non sono un residente è stato trasferito alla deportazione, e ora vedo l'ora di recarsi in Sudan».

E ha sottolineato che la questione della quaglia deportati da Arabia Saudita ha confermato il fatto importante che la persona non avventurarsi lungo il percorso è irto di ostacoli, e che in tutti i casi essere impegnati a seguire i metodi corretti, in modo da non cadere in problemi è indispensabile.

Egli ha sottolineato che le autorità saudite hanno affrontato con uno stile distinto e molto deportati del bene, nonostante la violazione delle norme, sottolineando che gli uomini della sicurezza in Arabia Saudita un grande rispetto per i sudanesi, ma rigorosamente far rispettare le norme.



Sabri ha detto Khalil Jamal: «presentato in Arabia Saudita, sette mesi fa, non è entrato in lavoro solo un mese fa, dove acquistare il negozio di alimentari, e un giorno, dopo la preghiera di mezzogiorno hanno fatto irruzione nella pattuglia di polizia posto, sono stato trasferito ad altri tre sudanesi di espulsione, è stato farci sapere che sarà deportato in Sudan in due settimane, e dopo che l'elaborazione di documenti di viaggio dal consolato sudanese.



Egli Abdel Azim Qureshi Mohammed è stato arrestato a causa del suo lavoro con lo sponsor, e in caso di contatto era Pkwilh non ha ricevuto alcuna risposta, e divenne così in attesa di espulsione, che indica che lo sponsor gli ha detto più di un anno la necessità di trasferire la sua sponsorizzazione sostenendo la mancanza di posti di lavoro adatti a lui, ma Egli non ha trovato il trasferito la sua sponsorizzazione.



Detto Samir ha dato bene che era d'accordo con il suo sponsor fin dal suo arrivo in Arabia Saudita tre anni fa, notando che università realizza ammissibile, pur insistendo il suo sponsor che si occupa dello stipendio bovini «800» non reale, di fronte a lui in caso contrario. E aspettava con il suo sponsor per «15» giorno rinvenuti durante la residenza per due anni, e poi sono fuggiti a partecipare lavoro in un ambulatorio medico nella funzione di un contabile, e quando finito il suo lavoro ferie prima insistenza di dispensario amministrazione bisogno di rinnovamento e il trasferimento di sponsorizzazione, mentre lo sponsor è stato aperto nei suoi confronti la comunicazione scappare.



E continua dicendo che lui è mantenuto durante il periodo passato e nonostante la fine del suo soggiorno regolare mancato rinnovo, che operano nel campo dell'insegnamento privato, anche incontrato una pattuglia di sicurezza, che si trova all'interno di una limousine, è chiaro che il suo sponsor ha parlato della sua fuga .. Ed è in attesa di deportazione.



Ha fatto bene l'esperienza che, di fronte in Arabia Saudita e pressioni psicologiche grande esperienza per marca offre consulenza all'alienazione chiunque pianificazione, a pensare quanto riguarda la natura del lavoro che lo attende, senza fretta di lasciare il paese, sottolineando che si siede nella migrazione con un numero di sudanesi che condizioni di vita che si sono riuniti nel corso degli ultimi anni nel mondo dell'alienazione è il fondatore.



Egli ha espresso la speranza che lo Stato paga per la situazione dei rimpatriati dalla alienazione della terra, in particolare rimpatriati senza la loro volontà, e sono in una reale necessità di creare posti di lavoro nel loro paese.



Il Dipartimento Ali lamentato del fatto che si trova all'interno di un carcere di espulsione, di fronte a un problema che non avere un documento di viaggio, che è in attesa del consolato sudanese rappresentante per affrontare la situazione che non hanno i documenti per consentire loro di viaggiare.



Ha detto Vice Capo Missione sudanese nel Ambassador Riyadh recentemente Dio verdure che tutti i sudanesi che ora sono in attesa nella sede della deportazione e non hanno documenti di viaggio, di lavoro ambasciata e il consolato a Gedda attraverso Mnadeb per completare viaggio misure, così viene estratto e documenti di viaggio dopo essersi assicurati che gli arrestati dal Sudan.



Per quanto riguarda la deportazione «7» migliaia di sudanesi negli ultimi quattro mesi, secondo rimbalzi «premere», ha spiegato che molti di coloro che sono stati deportati può essere l'ambasciata aveva alcuna informazione su di loro, sono entrati in Arabia Saudita visti Umrah o Hajj o visitare il sito, e poi non è riuscito a viaggiare , che non può seguire con attenzione, in quanto non sono tra gli utenti regolari.



Ha detto «premere»: qualsiasi residente sudanese è deportato in Sudan per aver violato l'occupazione, sono seguiti il suo caso fino a che non viene trasportato, soprattutto se ha i diritti per l'operatore.



L'ambasciatore ha recentemente approvato le verdure di Dio ci sono una serie di prigione sudanese nella capitale Riyadh al variare edema questioni preferito non soffermarsi su di esso. E che l'ambasciata segue con grande interesse le condizioni dei detenuti che non hanno specificato il loro numero, sottolineando che il coordinamento con le autorità saudite nel Ministero dell'Interno continuerà ad affrontare i loro problemi e il loro rilascio dopo il completamento di alcuni aspetti dell'inchiesta.



È interessante notare che il ministero saudita del Lavoro sta attuando campagne e in largo per saudizzazione, guidato dagli sforzi del ministero saudita dell'Interno, che è stata attiva in passato di deportare occupazione trasgressori e di soggiorno in Arabia Saudita, e le statistiche ufficiali indicano che circa due milioni di persone non hanno un lavoro, durante l'esecuzione di lavori di «8 »milioni di espatriati, ma i« 6 milioni di posti di questi posti di lavoro non si adattano i sauditi a portata di mano ad un livello basso e modesto.