Sudan and conflicts zones.

Sudan and conflicts zones.

Tuesday 8 April 2014

It was BRITISH COLONY they know all about Sudan.

بريطانيا : الحكومة السودانية لن تستطع حسم صراع دارفور عسكريا












04-07-2014 03:57 PM

اعترفت بريطانيا أن الحكومة السودانية أو ميليشياتها لن تستطيع حسم الصراع في دارفور عسكريا، داعية إلى حوار سياسي مع حركات المعارضة المسلحة، لأن تسوية الصراع لن تتم سوى بالسبل السياسية.



وللمرة الأولى تخرج بريطانيا بتصريح واضح يكشف تداعيات الصراع في دارفور، مؤكدة أن تصعيد العنف يتسبب بنزوح وتشريد مئات الآلاف من المدنيين.



ودعا وزير الدولة البريطاني لشؤون افريقيا، مارك سيموندز، إلى إيقاف العنف فورا، وقال سيموندز "يقلقني جداً استمرار العنف في دارفور ،حيث ارتفع عدد الذين نزحوا عن بيوتهم منذ بداية مارس الماضي من 40 ألف إلى 200 ألف نازح، بسبب الهجمات المتواصلة والمتعمدة التي تشنها العناصر التابعة للحكومة السودانية وحركات المعارضة المسلحة في دارفورعلى المدنيين العزل وقراهم".

وأدان بشدة الهجمات على المدنيين، داعياً جميع الأطراف إلى "وضع أسلحتها والانخراط بحوار سلمي

Bashir Intervention special force!!!!!

مليشيات البشير ترتكب أعمال قتل وترهيب في وضح النهار












04-08-2014 06:43 AM



سكان المنطقة يؤكدون أن هذه المليشيات اسوأ من الجنجويد



الخرطوم - يتعرض سكان شمال دارفور غرب السودان إلى ترهيب وأعمال عنف مستمرة من طرف ميليشيات شبه عسكرية موالية لنظام البشير.



وكانت هذه المليشيات أو ما يعرف بـ“الدعم السريع” سيطرت منذ أكثر من شهر على الفاشر كبرى مدن شمال دارفور التي تشهد أسوأ أعمال عنف منذ عشر سنوات.



وقال مصطفى (52 سنة) أحد السكان رافضا كشف اسم عائلته، إن تلك المليشيات المنتشرة في كافة أنحاء المدينة ولا سيما في شرق العاصمة “خارجة عن السيطرة”.



ويتنقل عناصر المليشيا واضعين أشرطة الرصاص حول أعناقهم بسرعة كبيرة جدا في شوارع الفاشر راكبين سيارات مجهزة برشاشات ويصرخون ويعبثون بمكبرات الصوت وفق شهود عيان.



وروى مصطفى أن المليشيات في الفاشر تطلق “الرصاص بدون مبرر لا سيما ليلا وفي الصباح الباكر”.



ويحمل بعض هؤلاء المسلحين شارات المجموعات شبه العسكرية لكن السكان يؤكدون أنهم ينتمون إلى قوات الدعم السريع.



وقال محمد بن شمباس ممثل بعثة الأمم المتحدة والاتحاد الأفريقي في دارفور إن نحو 200 ألف مدني نزحوا من ديارهم هذه السنة ما يذكر بأولى ساعات النزاع قبل عشر سنوات.



واتهم بن شمباس، الأسبوع الماضي، قوات الدعم السريع بأنها “شنت هجمات” على قرى ومخيمات نازحين.



واحتشد الآلاف من السودانيين الفارين من الهجمات خصوصا في مخيم زمزم بضواحي الفاشر وسط الصحراء حيث يحاولون بما يستطيعون حماية أنفسهم من حر الشمس وسط خيام مصنوعة من قطع نسيج.



وأكد زعيم القبيلة رافضا الكشف عن هويته أن عناصر الميليشيا نهبوا قريتين عند مدخل الفاشر الجمعة. وكان بجانبه شخص أشار إلى أن ساقه كسرت برصاص طائش أطلقه هؤلاء المسلحون خلال عملية النهب.



وقال زعيم القبيلة “أعتقد أن هذه المليشيات أسوأ من الجنجاويد” وهي مدعومة من الحكومة وتضمّ عناصر من القبائل العربية والتي ارتكبت فظاعات بحق المدنيين بعد 2003.



العرب

Bashir said all they have to participate BUT THE SECURITY REFUSSES.

RNP barred by Sudan security from holding public seminar despite Bashir’s directives


April 7, 2014 (KHARTOUM) – The Reform Now Party (RNP), which is chaired by a leading dissident from the ruling National Congress Party (NCP) Ghazi Salah al-Deen al-Attabani, announced that the National Intelligence and Security Services (NISS) prevented the party from holding a seminar at the of Omdurman Ahlia University (OAU) despite obtaining prior permission.

A statement by the RNP released on Monday claimed that NISS agents intercepted a number of their leading members including Hassan Osman Rizk, Fadlallah Ahmed Abdullah along with their companions and prevented them from entering the university to address the seminar.

NISS agents also assaulted an RNP student wing figure by the name of Emad al-Deen Hashim and took him away to an unknown destination in one of their cars while continuing to brutally beat him up, the party added.

The RNP alluded to president Omer Hassan al-Bashir’s directives on Sunday at the onset of a political roundtable held in Khartoum with the participation of 83 political parties including the RNP and its leaders.

He instructed authorities in the states and localities across Sudan to enable political parties to carry out their activities inside and outside their headquarters without restrictions except those dictated by the law.

The RNP statement that the occurrence of this incident at this "distinguishing historical moment" frustrates the Sudanese nation which pinned great hopes that Sudan is entering a new phase.

"We should point out here, as we present this matter to say that the security forces are either working outside powers of Mr. President, or they carry a special agenda against dialogue .. if the president wants for this dialogue to reach its goals he has to take actions and decisions necessary to prevent the security services from confiscating of the freedom of the citizens from their political rights and their guaranteed rights according to the constitution".

"Our vision that what the president has issued as directives with respect to this aspect must be binding and urgently implemented so as to build confidence and sense the spirit of honesty in what comes out from the head of state".

At yesterday’s roundtable meeting, al-Attabani underscored the need to involve the parties opposed to the dialogue and demanded the departure of the security agencies from political life.

The RNP chief also called for constitutional amendments and conducting fair elections pointing out that they are running out of time.

He said that the round-table should be treated as an assembly that makes it a priority to re-contact parties opposed to dialogue and that the assembly considers all proposals submitted by the various political forces .

(ST)

Minawi.

Sudan’s PCP hails Bashir’s directives, SPLM-N says they have "no value"


April 7, 2014 (KHARTOUM) – Sudan’s opposition Popular Congress Party (PCP) has offered a rare praise for president Omer Hassan Al-Bashir against the background of his directive on Sunday to release political detainees and allow for more political and press freedoms.



Secretary-general of the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement-North, Yasser Arman (AP Photo/Amr Nabil)

Bashir announced a series of resolutions at the onset of a political roundtable held yesterday in Khartoum with the participation of 83 political parties.

He instructed authorities in the states and localities across Sudan to enable political parties to carry out their activities inside and outside their headquarters without restrictions except those dictated by the law.

The Sudanese president also pledged to enhance press freedom so that it can play its role in the success of the national dialogue unconditionally as long they abide by the norms of the profession.

Political detainees who have not been found to be involved in criminal acts will be released, Bashir added.

He also stressed the government’s commitment and willingness to allow rebels to participate in the national dialogue and vowed to give them adequate and appropriate safeguards to attend and depart safely afterwards.

But the Secretary General of the rebel Sudanese People’s Liberation Movement/North (SPLM-N) Yasir Arman, in a press release on Monday downplayed the presidential resolutions and described them as “wordplay”, saying they have no value as long as extraordinary laws continue to exist.

Arman proposed forming an independent body comprised of the representatives from the African Union and the United Nations in order to initiate a genuine dialogue.

The PCP political secretary, Kamal Omer, described Bashir’s decisions as “important and brave”, saying the president took a daring and strong stance.

He stressed, at a press conference on Monday that the move represents a major national event and pointed to the wide political participation, urging PCP’s allies in the opposition umbrella organization of the National Consensus Forces (NCF) to engage in the dialogue.

Omer underscored that there is no reason for rejecting the dialogue call at the present time, saying the political forces have the lead now and not the government.

He attributed the change in his party’s stance towards the ruling National Congress Party (NCP) to the latter’s seriousness to engage in dialogue with the opposition, saying they were encouraged by the NCP new position and accepted its call for national dialogue.

However, the SPLM-N SG said that the majority of the political parties which took part at the political roundtable are puppets of the NCP with the exception of "very few", saying that the meeting would only reproduce the regime.

He emphasized that crucial procedural issues require agreement on the criteria of participation in the dialogue and how decisions will be made besides determining who has the right to take part in the decision making in order to avoid hegemony of the NCP on the political and constitutional process.

Arman said in a press release on Monday that any genuine dialogue requires agreement on the legal and political framework besides establishing an independent body to facilitate the dialogue.

He pointed to their stance that the independent body must be comprised of the African Union High Implementation Panel (AUHIP), the head of the East African regional block IGAD, a representative of the UN secretary general, and a representative of the UN African Mission in Darfur (UNAMID).

Arman further said they would not accept the dialogue coordination committee be chaired by Bashir, scoffing at veteran political leaders who took part at the roundtable and allowed the latter to be “judge and executioner”.

He called for annulling all laws restricting freedoms and reaching an agreement on a package of measures to create an atmosphere conducive for dialogue besides ending the war and addressing the humanitarian crisis and described Sudan’s previous political roundtable experience as a failure, saying it neither ended the north-south civil war nor achieved political stability.

Arman said the rebel groups do not need safeguards from Bashir but they seek practical moves to address issues of millions of IDPs and refugees besides establishing an independent mechanism to lead the dialogue and arrive at a roadmap which leads to transitional arrangements.

In a televised address to the nation in January, Bashir announced a four-point plan for reform “to stop the war and bring peace, free political society, fight against poverty and revitalize national identity”.

He called for political forces and even rebel groups, on the condition they lay down their arms, to engage in dialogue aimed at meeting key objectives.

NCP officials, including Bashir, have brushed aside opposition calls for the 2015 elections to be delayed and the formation of a transitional government that would work on drafting a new constitution to prepare the country for the polls.

The opposition National Umma Party (NUP) and the PCP are the only major opposition parties to accept Bashir’s call for national dialogue so far.

Although both parties warned that they would pull out of dialogue with the NCP if progress stalls.

(ST)

Saturday 29 March 2014

Darfur now a days ....!!!!

دارفور ورهان السودان الموحد


03-29-2014 01:17 AM

عبدالله عبيد حسن



يشير بعض أخبار الأسبوع الصادرة من السودان إلى تدهور الأوضاع الإنسانية في شمال وجنوب دارفور. ويمكن الإشارة هنا إلى وفد مديري وحدات الطوارئ بلجنة الوكالات الأممية الذي أنهى زيارة رسمية للسودان يوم 9 مارس التقى خلالها ممثلي الحكومة والشركاء في العمل الإنساني والمانحين وقام بزيارة جنوب دارفور للاطمئنان على تنفيذ التوصيات على أرض الواقع ومحاولة فهم التحديات العملية التي تواجه العمل الإنساني، وذلك لتحديد سبل توفير الدعم المالي والتشغيلي للعمليات الإنسانية، وقد عاد إلى الخرطوم وأعرب في مؤتمر صحفي عن قلقه من تدهور الأوضاع الإنسانية في مناطق الحرب، وحتى في معسكرات اللاجئين والنازحين.



وعبارة القلق والتخوف تعبير دبلوماسي مهذب يحمل معنى أن الأوضاع هنالك أصبحت صعبة. وإذا تركنا عبارات الدبلوماسية، فإن التقارير الصادرة عن منظمات العمل الإنساني والمدني السودانية والعالمية حذرت ومنذ فترة طويلة من أن الأوضاع الإنسانية هنالك لم تعد تحتمل، وأنه ليس في وسع المنظمات الأهلية توفير أبسط مستلزمات الحياة الضرورية والصحية بسبب عرقلة وصول الإغاثة من طعام وأدوية وأغطية.. إلخ.



والكل يتحدّث عن تدهور الأوضاع في دارفور، وحتى رئيس السلطة الإقليمية الانتقالية المعين من قبل الحكومة أعلن هو أيضاً صراحة أن الحكومة التي كلفته بتنفيذ مهام الفترة الانتقالية في دارفور لم توفر له الأدوات والوسائل التي تمكنه من تنفيذ المهام المتفق عليها في اتفاقية الدوحة.



والأمثلة عديدة على الفشل في دارفور بشهادة المسؤولين هنالك والبيانات والنداءات التي صدرت عن الهيئات والمنظمات المدنية السودانية والأجنبية، عن النزوح الجماعي للمواطنين في شمال دارفور وجنوبه، وقد قدرت أعدادهم بحوالي 120 ألف مواطن حتى الآن.



وبقراءة مدققة لمسيرة حكم «الإنقاذ»، فإن المرء يصل إلى نتيجة محققة.. مؤداها أن هذه السلطة تعمل على تمزيق السودان لإقامة دولتها وفقاً لمشروع مفكرها المعتمد والمعروف بمثلث حمدي الذي كشف والداعي إلى إقامة دولة حدودها تبدأ من شمال السودان وتمتد لتشمل الإقليم الشمالي (إقليم النيل) وكردفان متخلية عن إقليم دارفور وجنوب كردفان (جبال النوبة). ورغم أن الرئيس البشير أعلن أن ورقة حمدي التي قدمها في مؤتمرهم العام قبل سنوات لا تمثل رأي الحكومة ولا سياستها، وإنما هي تعبير عن رأيه الشخصي.. فالأقوال شيء والأفعال شيء آخر.



إن كل الأدلة الملموسة تشير إلى أن دارفور يمكن أن تصبح مقبرة لحلم السودانيين في بناء دولتهم الموحدة في ظل الديمقراطية والحرية والعدالة الاجتماعية.. إن مثل هذه السياسة والتصرفات هي التي قادت إلى انفصال جنوب السودان محققة بذلك أهداف وخطط القوى الإمبريالية تجاه السودان، ويمكن أن تقود إلى انفصال دارفور، بل وشرق السودان أيضاً، لو لم يتدارك الشعب السوداني الأمر.



إن النظام يتصرف بشكل يدعو للعجب. ففي الأخبار أن رئيس تشاد إدريس ديبي عرض على النظام أن يقوم بالتوسط بينه وبين زعيم الجنجويد موسى هلال، وأن النظام قد رفض وساطة الرئيس التشادي وأبلغه أن موسى هلال قد تآمر على الحكومة التي صنعت منه زعيماً وقائداً للجنجويد وقام بالاتصال بالجبهة الثورية عارضاً عليها التحالف معها. وهذا الرفض السوداني المصحوب باتهامات مبطنة أزعج الرئيس التشادي. والمراقبون للعلاقات السودانية- التشادية ينذرون بأنها قد تتعرض إلى احتقان قد تكون له آثار في دارفور!



إن النظام الذي يفتخر بقدرته الفائقة على اللعب والمناورة على كل حبال السياسية الدولية والمحلية يتصرف بطريقة غير ملائمة! وقد انضمت بريطانيا مؤخراً لأميركا والاتحاد الأوروبي والاتحاد الأفريقي ضمن سلسلة القوى الدولية والإقليمية التي انتبهت أخيراً إلى حقيقة النظام في السودان.



وفي الوقت الذي تتصاعد فيه وتيرة الضغوط الإقليمية والدولية على النظام، فإن النضالات الشعبية السلمية تتجذَّر أهدافها في أوساط الجماهير السودانية في كل أقاليم ومدن السودان والكل يدرك أن الحفاظ على السودان الموحد ينبغي أن يكون هو هدف الجميع.



الاتحاد

Saturday 25 January 2014

Ultimate Imperial Adventure in sudan.

Fall of KHARTOUM AND THE RISE OF MAHADI


DERWISH GAVE INDEPENDANT TO SUDAN ON 26 JAN. 1885



History of Sudan

Battle of Khartoum

Madhists defeat Egyptians This city, defended by an Egyptian garrison under General Gordon, was invested by the Mahdi in the early part of 1884, and, after a gallant defense, was stormed January 26, 1885. The forerunners of the relieving force, consisting of the river gunboats under Lord Charles Beresford, arrived off the city on the 28th, two days too late, and after a brief engagement with the Mahdist batteries, returned down the river.

FORDHAM UNIVERSITY

Islamic History Sourcebook:

Alfred Egmont Hake:

The Death of General Gordon at Khartoum, 1885

________________________________________

[Tappan Introduction] In I882 there arose in the Soudan, a province of Upper Egypt, one Mohammed Ahmed, who called himself the Mahdi or Messiah, and invited all true believers to join in a holy war against the Christians. Thousands of wild tribesmen flocked to his banner, and in the following year he annihilated an army of eleven thousand English and Egyptians that had attempted to subdue the revolt. Rather than send more soldiers to die in the deserts of the Upper Nile, England decided to abandon the province. But first the thousands of Europeans who had taken refuge in Khartoum and other towns of the Soudan must be rescued from their perilous position. In this crisis the Government turned to the one man who could effect the withdrawal if it was still possible, and in January, 1884, appointed General Gordon to superintend the evacuation of the Soudan.

GENERAL GORDON arrived at Khartoum on February 18th, and spent his time between that date and the investment on March 12, in sending down women and children, two thousand of whom were sent safely through to Egypt, in addition to six hundred soldiers. It was stated by Sir Evelyn Baring (English consul-general to Egypt) that there were fifteen thousand persons in Khartoum who ought to be brought back to Egypt---Europeans, civil servants, widows and orphans, and a garrison of one thousand men, one third of whom were disaffected. To get these people out of Khartoum was General Gordon's first duty, and the first condition of evacuation was the establishment of a stable government in the Soudan. The only man who could establish that government was Zebehr. Gordon demanded Zebehr with ever-increasing emphasis, and his request was decisively refused. He had then two alternatives---either to surrender absolutely to the Mahdi, or to hold on to Khartoum at all hazards. While Gordon was strengthening his position the Mahdi settled the question by suddenly assuming the offensive. The first step in this memorable siege was the daring march of four thousand Arabs to the Nile, by which, on March 12, they cut off the eight hundred men at Halfaya, a village

to the north of Khartoum, from the city. A steamer was sent down to reconnoiter, and the moment she reached the front of the Arab position a volley was fired into her, wounding an officer and a soldier. The steamer returned the fire, killing five.

Thus hostilities began. "Our only justification for assuming the offensive," wrote General Gordon on March 13, "is the extrication of the Halfaya garrison." The Arabs, however, did not give him the chance. They cut off three companies of his troops who had gone out to cut wood, capturing eight of their boats, and killing or dispersing one hundred to one hundred and fifty men. They intrenched themselves along the Nile, and kept up a heavy rifle-fire. Retreat for the garrison was obviously impossible when the Arab force covered the river, the only line of retreat, with their fire. Twelve hundred men rere put on board two grain-barges, towed by three steamers defended with boiler plates, and carrying mountain-guns protected by wooden mantlets; and, with the loss of only two killed, they succeeded in extricating the five hundred men left of the garrison of Halfaya, and capturing seventy camels and eighteen horses, with which they returned to Khartoum.

The Arabs, however, held Halfaya, and on March 16 Gordon tried to drive them away. Advancing from a stockaded position covering the north front of the town, two thousand troops advanced across the open in square, supported by the fire of the guns of two steamers. The Arabs were retreating, when Hassan and Seid Pashas, Gordon's black generals, rode into the wood and called back the enemy. The Egyptians, betrayed by their officers, broke and fled after firing a single volley, and were pursued to within a mile of the stockade, abandoning two mountain guns with their ammunition---"sixty horsemen defeated two thousand men"---and leaving two hundred of their number on the field. After this affair he was convinced that he could not take the offensive, but must remain quiet at Khartoum, and wait till the Nile rose. Six days later, the black pashas were tried by court-martial, found guilty, and shot.

A very determined attack upon one of the steamers coming up from Berber, at the Salboka Pass, was beaten off with great slaughter, Gordon's men firing no fewer than fifteen thousand rounds of Remington ammunition. Meanwhile, his efforts to negotiate with the Mahdi failed. "I will make you Sultan of Kordofan," he had said on arrival to the Mahdi. "I am the Mahdi," replied Mahomet Ahmet, by emissaries who were "exceedingly cheeky," keeping their hands upon their swords, and laying a filthy, patched dervish's coat before him. "Will you become a Mussulman?" Gordon flung the bundle across the room, canceled the Mahdi's sultanship, and the war was renewed. From that day to the day of the betrayal no day passed without bullets dropping into Khartoum.

Gordon now set to work in earnest to place Khartoum in a defensible position. Ten thousand of the Madhi's sympathizers left Khartoum and joined the enemy. The steamers kept up a skirmishing fight on both Niles. All the houses on the north side of Khartoum were loopholed. A sixteen-pounder Krupp was mounted on a barge, and wire was stretched across the front of the stockade. The houses on the northern bank of the Blue Nile were fortified and garrisoned by Bashi-Bazouks. Omdurman was held and fortified on the west and Buri on the east. On March 25, Gordon had to disarm and disband two hundred and fifty Bashi-Bazouks who refused to occupy stockaded houses in a village on the south bank of the Blue Nile. The rebels advanced on Hadji Ali, a village to the north of the Nile, and fired into the palace. They were shelled out of their position, but constantly returned to harass the garrison. They seemed to Gordon mere rag-tag and bob-tail, but he dared not go out to meet them, for fear of the town. Five hundred brave men could have cleared out the lot, but he had not a hundred. The fighting was confined to artillery fire on one side, and desultory rifle-shooting on the other. This went on till the end of March. The Arabs clustered more closely round the town.

On April 19, Gordon telegraphed that he had provisions for five months, and if he only had two thousand to three thousand Turkish troops he could soon settle the rebels. Unfortunately, he received not one fighting man. Shendy fell into the hands of the Mahdi. Berber followed, and then for months no word whatever reached this country from Khartoum.

On September 29, Mr. Power's telegram, dated July 31, was received by the "Times." From that we gathered a tolerably clear notion of the way in which the war went on. Anything more utterly absurd than the accusation that Gordon forced fighting on the Mahdi cannot be conceived. He acted uniformly on the defensive, merely trying to clear his road of an attacking force, and failing because he had no fighting men to take the offensive. He found himself in a trap, out of which he could not cut his way. If he had possessed a single regiment, the front of Khartoum might have been cleared with ease; but his impotence encouraged the Arabs, and they clustered round in ever-increasing numbers, until at last they crushed his resistance. After the middle of April the rebels began to attack the palace in force, having apparently established themselves on the north bank.

The loss of life was chiefly occasioned by the explosion of mines devised by General Gordon, and so placed as to explode when trodden on by the enemy. Of all his expedients these mines were the most successful and the least open to any accusation of offensive operations. The Arabs closed in all round towards the end of April, and General Gordon surrounded himself with a formidable triple barrier of land torpedoes, over which wire entanglement and a formidable chevaux-de-frise enabled the garrison to feel somewhat secure. On April 27, Valeh Bey surrendered at Mesalimeh, a disaster by which General Gordon lost one steamer, seventy shiploads of provisions, and two thousand rifles.

General Gordon was now entirely cut off from the outside world, and compelled to rely entirely upon his his own resources. He sent out Negroes to entice the slaves of the Arabs to come over, promising them freedom and rations. This he thought would frighten the Arabs more than bullets. On April 26, he made his first issue of paper-money to the extent of ,2500 redeemable in six months. By July 30, it had risen to ,26,000 besides the ,50,000 borrowed from merchants. On the same day he struck decorations for the defense of Khartoum---for officers in silver, silver-gilt and pewter for the private soldiers. These medals bear a crescent and a star, with words from the Koran, and the date, with an inscription,---"Siege of Khartoum,"---and a hand-grenade in the center. "School-children and women," he wrote, "also received medals; consequently, I am very popular with the black ladies of Khartoum."

The repeated attacks of the Mahdi's forces on Khartoum cost the Arabs many lives. On May 25, Colonel Stewart was slightly wounded in the arm, when working a mitrailleuse near the palace. All through May and June his steamers made foraging expeditions up and down the Nile, shelling the rebels when they showed in force, and bringing back much cattle to the city. On Midsummer Day, Mr. Cuzzi, formerly Gordon's agent at Berber, but now a prisoner of the Mahdi's, was sent to the wells to announce the capture of Berber. It was sad news for the three Englishmen alone in the midst of a hostile Soudan. Undaunted, they continued to stand at bay, rejoicing greatly that in one, Saati Bey, they had, at least, a brave and capable officer.

Saati had charge of the steamers, and for two months he had uninterrupted success, in spite of the twisted telegraph wires which the rebels stretched across the river. Unfortunately, on July 10, Saati, with Colonel Stewart and two hundred men, after burning Kalaka and three villages, attacked Gatarnulb. Eight Arab horsemen rode at the two hundred Egyptians. The two hundred fled at once, not caring to fire their Remingtons, and poor Saati was killed. Colonel Stewart narrowly escaped a similar fate.

After July 31, there is a sudden cessation of regular communications. Power's journal breaks off then, and we are left to more or less meager references in Gordon's dispatches. On August 23, he sent a characteristic message, in which he announces that, the Nile having risen, he has sent Colonel Stewart, Mr. Power, and the French consul to take Berber, occupy it for fifteen days, burn it, and then return to Khartoum. All the late messages from Gordon, except a long dispatch of November 4, which has never been published, were written on tissue paper no bigger than a postage-stamp, and either concealed in a quill thrust into the hair, or sewn in the waistband of the natives employed. Gordon seems to have been the most active in August and September, when the Nile was high. He had eight thousand men at Khartoum and Senaar. He sent Colonel Stewart and the troops with the steamers to recapture Berber. A steamer which bore a rough effigy of Gordon at the prow was said to be particularly dreaded by the rebels. OnAugust 26, he reported that he had provisions for five months, but in the forays made by his steamer on the Southern Niles he enormously replenished his

stores. On one of these raids he took with him six thousand men in thirty-four boats towed by nine steamers.

After his defeat before Omdurman, the Mahdi is said to have made a very remarkable prophecy. He retired into a cave for three days, and on his return he told his followers that Allah had revealed that for sixty days there would be a rest, and after that blood would flow like water. The Mahdi was right. Almost exactly sixty days after that prophecy there was fought the battle of Abu Klea.

Stewart had by this time been treacherously killed on his way down from Berber to Dongola. Gordon was all alone. The old men and women who had friends in the neighboring villages left the town. The uninhabited part was destroyed, the remainder was inclosed by a wall. In the center of Khartoum he had built himself a tower, from the roof of which he kept a sharp lookout with his field-glass in the daytime. At night he went the rounds of the fortifications, cheering his men and keeping them on the alert against attacks. Treachery was always his greatest dread. Many of the townsfolk sympathized with the Mahdi; he could not depend on all his troops, and he could only rely on one of his pashas, Mehmet Ali. He rejoiced exceedingly in the news of the approach of the British relieving force. He illuminated Khartoum and fired salutes in honor of the news, and he doubled his exertions to fill his granaries with grain.

On December 14, a letter was received by one of his friends in Cairo from General Gordon, saying, "Farewell. You will never hear from me again. I fear that there will be treachery in the garrison, and all will be over by Christmas." It was this melancholy warning that led Lord Wolseley to order the dash across the Desert. On December 16 came news that the Mahdi had again failed in his attack on Omdurman. Gordon had blown up the fort which he had built over against the town, and inflicted great loss on his assailants, who, however, invested the city closely on all sides. The Mahdi had returned to Omdurman, where he had concentrated his troops. Thence he sent fourteen thousand men to Berber to recruit the forces of Osman Digma, and it was these men, probably, that fought the English relief army at Abu Klea.

After this nothing was heard beyond the rumor that Omdurman was captured and two brief messages from Gordon, sent probably to hoodwink the enemy, by whom most of his letters were captured. The first, which arrived January 1, was as follows: "Khartoum all right.---C. G. Gordon. December 14, I884." The second was brought by the steamers which met General Stewart at Mentemneh on January 21st: "Khartoum all right; could hold out for years.---C. G. Gordon. December 29." On January 26, Faraz Pasha opened the gates of the city to the enemy, and one of the most famous sieges

in the world's history came to a close. It had lasted from March 12 to January 26---exactly three hundred and twenty days.

When Gordon awoke to find that, through the treachery of his Egyptian lieutenant, Khartoum was in the hands of the Mahdi, he set out with a few followers for the Austrian consulate. Recognized by a party of rebels, he was shot dead on the street and his head carried through the town at the end of a pike, amid the wild rejoicings of the Mahdi's followers. Two days later the English army of relief reached Khartoum.

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Source

From: Eva March Tappan, ed., The World's Story: A History of the World in Story, Song and Art, (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1914), Vol. III: Egypt, Africa, and Arabia, pp. 240-249.

Scanned by Jerome S. Arkenberg, Cal. State Fullerton. The text has been modernized by Prof. Arkenberg

Note: Many Western sources about Islamic countries exhibit what has come to be known as orientalism. The terms used ("Mohammedan" for instance rather than "Muslim"), and the attitudes exhibited by the writers need to be questioned by modern readers.

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© Paul Halsall, November1998

halsall@fordham.edu